绪　论

1 The Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1859 (Manchester: Cave & Sever, 1860), 18, 19, 22, 23, 33, 34, 38, 39, 45.

2 “Liverpool. By Order of the Liverpool Cotton Association Ltd., Catalogue of the Valuable Club Furnishings etc. to be Sold by Auction by Marsh Lyons & Co., Tuesday, 17th December 1963,” Greater Manchester County Record Office, Manchester, UK.

3 “Monthly Economic Letter: U.S. and Global Market Fundamentals,” Cotton Incorporated , accessed January 23, 2013, http://www.cottoninc.com/corporate/Market-Data/MonthlyEconomicLetter/ ; “The Fabric of Our Lives,” accessed July 1, 2012, http://www.thefabricofourlives.com/ .

4 在美国，绵羊平均提供的羊毛是7.3磅。“Fast Facts…About American Wool,” American Sheep Industry Association, accessed March 10, 2013, www.sheepusa.org .世界棉花作物的总重量除以这个数字，得出生产同样重量羊毛需要多少只羊。Government of South Australia, “Grazing livestock—a sustainable and productive approach,” Adelaide & Mt Lofty Ranges Natural Resource Management Board, accessed March 10, 2013, www.amlrnrm.sa.gov.au/Portals/2/landholders_info/grazing_web.pdf ; “European Union,” CIA—The World Factbook, accessed March 16, 2013, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ee.html . 根据第一个来源，假设一公顷土地可以养活十只成年羊，如果一年中有十二个月可以放牧的话。这是用来计算养70亿只羊所需的土地面积，然后与欧盟的面积进行比较。根据《中央情报局世界实况手册》（CIA World Factbook），欧盟的面积为4324782平方公里。

5 Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 5–6; see Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).

6 Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, The West and the Rest (New York: Allen Lane, 2011); Robert Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe,” Past and Present no. 70 (February 1976): 30–75; Robert Brenner, “The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,” Past and Present , no. 97 (November 1982): 16–113; E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Pantheon, 1963).

7 有关于奴隶制和资本主义的活跃文献，包括 Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (New York: Russell & Russell, 1961); Rafael de Bivar Marquese, “As desventuras de um conceito: Capitalismo histórico e a historiografia sobre escravidão brasileira,” Revista de Historia 169 (July/December 2013), 223–53; Philip McMichael, “Slavery in the Regime of Wage Labor: Beyond Paternalism in the U.S. Cotton Culture,” Social Concept 6 (1991): 10–28; Barbara L. Solow and Stanley L. Engerman, British Capitalism and Caribbean Slavery: The Legacy of Eric Williams (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978); Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Dale Tomich, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008); Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011).

8 Cotton Supply Reporter , no. 37 (March 1, 1860): 33.

9 Andrew Ure, The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain Systematically Investigated, and Illustrated by 150 Original Figures , vol. 1 (London: Charles Knight, 1836), 67–68.

10 Bruno Biedermann, “Die Versorgung der russischen Baumwollindustrie mit Baumwolle eigener Produktion” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1907), 4; Edward Atkinson, Cotton: Articles from the New York Herald (Boston: Albert J. Wright, 1877), 4.

11 E. J. Donnell, Chronological and Statistical History of Cotton (New York: James Sutton & Co., 1872), v.

12 关于这一主题有大量文献，包括 Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System , vol. 3, The Second Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730–1840s (San Diego: Academic Press, 1989); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar: Martinique and the World Economy, 1830–1848 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Abdoulaye Ly, La théorisation de la connexion capitaliste des continents (Dakar: IFAAN, 1994); John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, “The Imperialism of Free Trade,” Economic History Review , Second Series, 51 (1953): 1–15; Patrick Wolfe, “History and Imperialism: A Century of Theory,” American Historical Review 102 (April 1997): 388–420.

13 Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 530–31.

14 例如，见 Gene Dattel, Cotton and Race in the Making of America: The Human Costs of Economic Power (Chicago: Ivan Dee, 2009); Morris de Camp Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924).

15 全球史文献正在蓬勃发展。然而，这并不是一项新发明。只要回忆一下早期的贡献，比如 Abdoulaye Ly, La Compagnie du Sénégal (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1958); Marc Bloch, “Toward a Comparative History of European Societies,” in Frederic Chapin Lane and Jelle C. Riemersma, eds., Enterprise and Secular Change: Readings in Economic History (Homewood, IL: R. D. Irwin, 1953); Williams, Capitalism and Slavery ; C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins (London: Secker & Warburg, 1938). See also C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004); Jürgen Osterhammel, The Transformation of the World: A Global History of the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014). For overviews of the literature see Sebastian Conrad, Globalgeschichte: Eine Einführung (Munich: Beck, 2013); Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global Perspectives in Global History: Theories and Approaches in a Connected World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Sven Beckert and Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global History Globally (forthcoming); Bruce Mazlich and Ralph Buultjens, Conceptualizing Global History (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993); Jerry Bentley, “The Task of World History” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession). See also Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Jan Luiten van Zanden, The Long Road to Industrial Revolution: The European Economy in a Global Perspective, 1000–1800 (Amsterdam: Brill, 2009) and the excellent work of Patrick O’Brien, for example, “European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery,” Economic History Review , Second Series, 35 (February 1982): 1–18.

16 近年来对商品的研究很多。尤见 Sydney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Viking, 1985); Mark Kurlansky, Salt: A World History (New York: Walker and Co., 2002); Barbara Freese, Coal: A Human History (Cambridge, MA: Perseus, 2003); Pietra Rivoli, The Travels of a Tshirt in the Global Economy: An Economist Examines the Markets, Power and Politics of World Trade (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2005); Larry Zuckerman, The Potato: How the Humble Spud Rescued the Western World (Boston: Faber & Faber, 1998); Wolfgang Mönninghoff, King Cotton: Kulturgeschichte der Baumwolle (Düsseldorf: Artemis & Winkler, 2006); Mark Kurlansky, Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World (New York: Walker & Co., 1997); Allan Macfarlane and Gerry Martin, Glass: A World History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Stephen Yaffa, Big Cotton: How a Humble Fiber Created Fortunes, Wrecked Civilizations, and Put America on the Map (New York: Penguin, 2005); Erik Orsenna, Voyage aux pays du coton: Petit précis de mondialisation (Paris: Fayard, 2006); Iain Gateley, Tobacco: A Cultural History of How an Exotic Plant Seduced Civilization (New York: Grove, 2001); Heinrich Eduard Jacob, Kaffee: Die Biographie eines weltwirtschaftlichen Stoffes (Munich: Oekom Verlag, 2006). A beautiful discussion of the “biography of things” can be found in the 1929 discussion of Sergej Tretjakow, “Die Biographie des Dings,” in Heiner Boehnke, ed., Die Arbeit des Schriftstellers (Reinbeck: Ro-wolt, 1972), 81–86; more generally on commodities, see Jens Soentgen, “Geschichten über Stoffe,” Arbeitsblätter für die Sachbuchforschung (October 2005): 1–25; Jennifer Bair, “Global Capitalism and Commodity Chains: Looking Back, Going Forward,” Competition and Change 9 (June 2005): 153–80; Immanuel Wallerstein, Commodity Chains in the World-Economy, 1590–1790 (Binghamton, NY: Fernand Braudel Center, 2000). A good example for a successfully recast economic history is William Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1991). Good discussions on the rich historiography on the Industrial Revolution can be found in Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , chapter 2; William J. Ashworth, “The Ghost of Rostow: Science, Culture and the British Industrial Revolution,” Historical Science 46 (2008): 249–74. For an emphasis on the importance of the spatial aspects of capitalism see David Harvey, Spaces of Capital: Towards a Critical Geography (New York: Routledge, 2001).

第1章　一种全球性商品的兴起

1 这些小镇种植的棉花很可能是帕美里陆地棉（G. hirsutum Palmeri ）,这种棉花生长在今天的墨西哥瓦哈卡州和格雷罗州。植物的描述来自 C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 11; Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2001), 263; Frances F. Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico: Production, Distribution and Uses,” Mexican Studies 3 (1987): 241ff.; Joseph B. Mountjoy, “Prehispanic Cultural Development Along the Southern Coast of West Mexico,” in Shirley Goren-stein, ed., Greater Mesoamerica: The Archeology of West and Northwest Mexico (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000), 106; Donald D. Brandt, “The Primitive and Modern Economy of the Middle Rio Balsas, Guerrero and Michoacan,” Eighth American Scientific Congress, Section 8, History and Geography (Washington, DC, 1940), Abstract; 16世纪墨西哥一包棉花的重量见 José Rodríguez Vallejo, Ixcatl, el algodón mexicano (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1976), 64.

2 K. D. Hake and T. A. Kerby, “Cotton and the Environment,” Cotton Production Manual (UCANR Publications, 1996), 324–27; Frederick Wilkinson, The Story of the Cotton Plant (New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1899), 39.

3 下面两个说法之间有轻微的不同：Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 14–15, and Jason Clay, World Agriculture and the Environment: A Commodity-by-Commodity Guide to Impacts and Practices (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2004), 284–87.

4 Ralf Kittler, Manfred Kaysar, and Mark Stoneking, “Molecular Evolution of Pediculus humanus and the Origin of Clothing,” Current Biology 13 (August 19, 2003): 1414–15; 关于对纺织的更早的日期界定，请参见 Eliso Kvabadze et al., “30,000 Year-Old Wild Flax Fibres,” Science 11 (September 2009): 1359.

5 Almut Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben: Entwicklung von Technik und Arbeit im Textilgewerbe (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1981), 31–32; “Kleidung,” in Johannes Hoops, Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde , vol. 16 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000), 603–25; Mary Schoeser, World Textiles: A Concise History (New York: Thames & Hudson World of Art, 2003), 20; “Kleidung,” in Max Ebert, ed., Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte , vol. 6 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1926), 380–94; Harry Bates Brown, Cotton: History, Species, Varieties, Morphology, Breeding, Culture, Diseases, Marketing, and Uses (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938), 1.

6 例如参见 T. W. Rhys Davids, trans., Vinaya Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885), 168; Georg Buehler, trans., The Sacred Laws of the Âryas (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1882), 165, 169, 170; Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 1, 57; Doran Ross, ed., Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African American Identity (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1998), 77; Frank Goldtooth, as recorded by Stanley A. Fishler, In the Beginning: A Navajo Creation Myth (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1953), 16; Aileen O’Bryan, The Dîné: Origin Myths of the Navajo Indians , Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 163 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1956), 38; Francesca Bray, “Textile Production and Gender Roles in China, 1000–1700,” Chinese Science 12 (1995): 116; Anthony Winterbourne, When the Norns Have Spoken: Fate in Germanic Paganism (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2004), 96.

7 C. L. Brubaker et al., “The Origin and Domestication of Cotton,” in C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 4, 5–6, 12, 17, 22; Wafaa M. Amer and Osama A. Momtaz, “Historic Background of Egyptian Cotton (2600 BC–AD 1910),” Archives of Natural History 26 (1999): 219.

8 Thomas Robson Hay and Hal R. Taylor, “Cotton,” in William Darrach Halsey and Emanuel Friedman, eds., Collier’s Encyclopedia, with Bibliography and Index (New York: Macmillan Educational Co., 1981), 387; A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries , 4th ed., revised by J. R. Harris (London: Edward Arnold, 1962), 147; Richard H. Meadow, “The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Northwestern South Asia,” in David R. Harris, ed., The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia (London: UCL Press, 1996), 396; for a traditional Indian account of these classics, see S. V. Puntambekar and N. S. Varadachari, Hand-Spinning and Hand-Weaving: An Essay (Ahmedabad: All India Spinners’ Association, 1926), 1–9; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 1, 2–3; Brown, Cotton , 2; see Herodotus, The Histories , ed. A. R. Burn, trans. Aubrey de Sélincourt, rev. ed., Penguin Classics (Harmonds worth, UK: Penguin, 1972), 245; Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 15; J. Forbes Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India and Elsewhere: With an Account of the Experiments Made by the Hon. East India Company up to the Present Time (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1851), 116ff.

9 Brown, Cotton , 5; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 65–70; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Cotton Textiles in the Indian Subcontinent, 1200–1800,” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 23–25.

10 H. Wescher, “Die Baumwolle im Altertum,” in Ciba-Rundschau 45 (June 1940): 1635; Alwin Oppel, Die Baumwolle (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1902), 206–7; Clinton G. Gilroy, The History of Silk, Cotton, Linen, Wool, and Other Fibrous Substances (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1845), 334; Marco Polo, Travels of Marco Polo (Westminster, MD: Modern Library, 2001), 174; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 56, 58.

11 A. G. Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), 48; M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), 46; Amer and Momtaz, “Historic Background,” 212; Oppel, Die Baumwolle , 209; William H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru (Westminster, MD: Modern Library, 2000), 51, 108, 300.

12 Gilroy, History of Silk , 331–32; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 353; Barbara L. Stark, Lynette Heller, and Michael A. Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth: Mesoamerican Economic Change from the Perspective of Cotton in South-Central Veracruz,” Latin American Antiquity 9 (March 1978): 9, 25, 27; Crawford, Heritage , 32, 35; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 355; Barbara Ann Hall, “Spindle Whorls and Cotton Production at Middle Classic Matacapan and in the Gulf Lowlands,” in Barbara L. Stark and Philip J. Arnold III, eds., Olmec to Aztec: Settlement Patterns in the Ancient Gulf Lowlands (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997), 117, 133, 134.

13 Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, History of the Conquest of the Province of the Itza , 1st English edition, translated from the 2nd Spanish edition by Robert D. Wood (Culver City, CA: Labyrinthos, 1983), 197; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 235–38, 239; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 356; R. B. Handy, “History and General Statistics of Cotton,” in The Cotton Plant: Its History, Botany, Chemistry, Culture, Enemies, and Uses , prepared under the supervision of A. C. True, United States Department of Agriculture, Office of Experiment Stations, Bulletin 33 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1896), 63; United States, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 , vol. 1 (Washington, DC: U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1975), Series K-550–563, “Hay, Cotton, Cottonseed, Shorn Wool, and Tobacco—Acreage, Production, and Price: 1790 to 1970,” 518; Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 118; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 14, 29.

14 Brown, Cotton , 14; Kate Peck Kent, Prehistoric Textiles of the Southwest (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1983), 9, 27, 28, 29; the quote about blankets is from Ward Alan Minge, “Effectos del Pais: A History of Weaving Along the Rio Grande,” in Nora Fisher, ed., Rio Grande Textiles (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1994), 6; Kate Peck Kent, Pueblo Indian Textiles: A Living Tradition (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1983), 26; Crawford, Heritage , 37; David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change Since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 65, 89, 174; Mann, Cotton Trade , 4; Christopher Columbus, The Diario of Christopher Columbus’s first voyage to America: 1492–1493 , abstracted by Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, transcribed and translated into English, with notes and a concordance of the Spanish, by Oliver Dunn and James E. Kelley Jr. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 131–35; see entries of October 16, November 3, and November 5, 1492, 85–91, 131, 135.

15 Pliny the Elder, The Natural History of Pliny , vol. 4, trans. John Bostock and H. T. Riley (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1856), 134–35; Mann, Cotton Trade , 3; Christopher Ehret, The Civilizations of Africa: A History to 1800 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002), 67–68; Ross, Wrapped in Pride , 75; Lars Sundström, The Trade of Guinea (Lund: Hakan Ohlssons Boktryckeri, 1965), 148; F. L. Griffith and G. M. Crowfoot, “On the Early Use of Cotton in the Nile Valley,” Journal of Egyptian Archeology 20 (1934): 7; Amer and Momtaz, “Historic Background,” 212, 214, 215, 217.

16 M. Kouame Aka, “Production et circulation des cotonnades en Afrique de l’Ouest du XIème siècle a la fin de la conquette coloniale (1921)” (PhD dissertation, Université de Cocody-Abidjan, 2013), 18, 41; Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 176, 195, 201; Venice Lamb and Judy Holmes, Nigerian Weaving (Roxford: H. A. & V. M. Lamb, 1980), 15, 16; Marion Johnson, “Cloth Strips and History,” West African Journal of Archaeology 7 (1977): 169; Philip D. Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975), 48; Marion Johnson, “Cloth as Money: The Cloth Strip Currencies of Africa,” in Dale Idiens and K. G. Pointing, Textiles of Africa (Bath: Pasold Research Fund, 1980), 201. Patricia Davison and Patrick Harries, “Cotton Weaving in South-east Africa: Its History and Technology,” in Idiens and Pointing, Textiles of Africa , 177, 179, 180; Marie Philiponeau, Le coton et l’Islam: Fil d’une histoire africaine (Algiers: Casbah Editions, 2009), 15, 17; Ross, Wrapped in Pride , 75; Rita Bolland, Tellem Textiles: Archaeological Finds from Burial Caves in Mali’s Bandiagara Cliff (Leiden: Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, 1991); Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa and of the Notable Things Therein Contained, Done in the English in the Year 1600 by John Pory , vol. 3 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1896), 823, 824.

17 关于棉花有多个起源及其演化，见 Meadow, “Origins,” 397.

18 Brown, Cotton , 8; Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 11, 15, 17–18; Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials , 148; Hartmut Schmoekel, Ur, Assur und Babylon: Drei Jahrtausende im Zweistromland (Stuttgart: Gustav Klipper Verlag, 1958), 131; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 27; Richard W. Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels in Early Islamic Iran: A Moment in World History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 1, 8, 46; Marco Polo, Travels , 22, 26, 36, 54, 58, 59, 60, 174, 247, 253, 255.

19 Chao Kuo-Chun, Agrarian Policy of the Chinese Communist Party, 1921–1959 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977), 5, 8ff.

20 Craig Dietrich, “Cotton Culture and Manufacture in Early Ch’ing China,” in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972), 111ff.; Mi Chü Wiens, “Cotton Textile Production and Rural Social Transformation in Early Modern China,” Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 7 (December 1974): 516–19; Frederick W. Mote and Denis Twitchett, eds., The Cambridge History of China , vol. 7, The Ming Dynasty, 1368–1644 , part 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 256, 507; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Beyond the East-West Binary: Resituating Development Paths in the Eighteenth-Century World,” Journal of Asian Studies 61 (May 2002): 569; United States, Historical Statistics , 518.

21 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680 , vol. 1, The Lands Below the Winds (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), 90; Crawford, Heritage , 7; William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai Cotton Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 117–20; Mikio Sumiya and Koji Taira, eds., An Outline of Japanese Economic History, 1603–1940: Major Works and Research Findings (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1979), 99–100.

22 Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 10, 29; Howard F. Cline, “The Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” in Lewis Hanke, ed., History of Latin American Civilization , vol. 2 (London: Methuen, 1969), 137; Johnson, “Technology,” 259; Thomas J. Bassett, The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Côte d’Ivoire, 1880–1995 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 33; James Forbes, Oriental Memoirs: A Narrative of Seventeen Years Residence in India , vol. 2 (London: Richard Bentley, 1834), 34; Moritz Schanz, “Die Baumwolle in Russisch-Asien,” Beihefte zum Tropenpflanzer 15 (1914): 2; on Korea see Tozaburo Tsukida, Kankoku ni okeru mensaku chosa (Tokyo: No-shomu sho noji shikenjyo, 1905), 1–3, 76–83.

23 Oppel, Die Baumwolle , 201; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 241; Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 120; Sundström, Trade of Guinea , 147; Curtin, Economic Change , 50, 212; Brown, Cotton , 8; Reid, Southeast Asia , 93; Gilroy, History of Silk , 339; Carla M. Sinopoli, The Political Economy of Craft Production: Crafting Empire in South India, c. 1350–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 185; A. Campbell, “Notes on the State of the Arts of Cotton Spinning, Weaving, Printing and Dyeing in Nepal,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Calcutta) 5 (January to December 1836): 222.

24 Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 115, 116, 120, 122, 124; Davison and Harries, “Cotton Weaving,” 182; Oppel, Die Baumwolle , 209; Prescott, Conquest of Peru , 51; Gilroy, History of Silk , 339, 343; Curtin, Economic Change , 213; Kent, Prehistoric Textiles , 35; Kent, Pueblo Indian , 28; Reid, Southeast Asia , 93; Sundström, Trade of Guinea , 148–49; Lamb and Holmes, Nigerian Weaving , 10–11; Johnson, “Technology,” 261.

25 Reid, Southeast Asia , 94.

26 Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 242, 259; Mote and Twitchett, Ming Dynasty , 507, 690ff.; K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Waltnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 71; Wiens, “Cotton Textile,” 520; Sinopoli, Political Economy , 177.

27 Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 242; Bray, “Textile Production,” 119; Sundström, Trade of Guinea , 162; Curtin, Economic Change , 212; Davison and Harries, “Cotton Weaving,” 187; Johnson, “Cloth as Money,” 193–202; Reid, Southeast Asia , 90; Sundström, Trade of Guinea , 164; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 9.

28 Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 356; Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels , 46, 59; Philiponeau, Coton et l’Islam , 25; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300–1800,” in Riello and Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World , 161–79; the importance of traders’ distance from the polities they originated from is also emphasized by Gil J. Stein, Rethinking World-Systems: Diasporas, Colonies, and Interaction in Uruk Mesopotamia (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), 173.

29 See Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 115; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 9; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 247ff., 258; Kent, Prehistoric Textiles , 28; Volney H. Jones, “A Summary of Data on Aboriginal Cotton of the Southwest,” University of New Mexico Bulletin, Symposium on Prehistoric Agriculture , vol. 296 (October 15, 1936), 60; Reid, Southeast Asia , 91; Sundström, Trade of Guinea , 147; Bassett, Peasant Cotton , 34; Curtin, Economic Change , 212–13; Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 296; Hauser, Economic Institutional Change , 59.

30 Sundström, Trade of Guinea , 156, 157; Ramaswamy, Textiles , 25, 70–72; Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 55; Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 352; Mann, Cotton Trade , 2–3, 23; Smith and Cothren, Cotton , 68–69; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 24, 76; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1639; Gilroy, History of Silk , 321; John Peter Wild and Felicity Wild, “Rome and India: Early Indian Cotton Textiles from Berenike, Red Sea Coast of Egypt,” in Ruth Barnes, ed., Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies (New York: Routledge, 2005), 11–16; Surendra Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, 16th and 17th Centuries: A Study in the Impact of European Expansion on Precapitalist Economy (New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1975), 3; the quote on the Indo-Levant trade is in Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 355, see also 350, 354, 355; Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Venetian Cotton Trade in Syria in the Later Middle Ages,” Studi Medievali , ser. 3, vol. 17 (1976): 690; Suraiya Faroqhi, “Crisis and Change, 1590–1699,” in Inalcik and Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire , 524; Eugen Wirt, “Aleppo im 19. Jahrhundert,” in Hans Geord Majer, ed., Osmanische Studien zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1986), 186–205; Sinopoli, Political Economy , 179.

31 Crawford, Heritage , 6, 69; Reid, Southeast Asia , 90, 95; in Sinnappah Arasaratnam and Aniruddha Ray, Masulipatnam and Cambay: A History of Two Port-Towns, 1500–1800 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1994), 121; 有关这一时期古吉拉特邦海外贸易和国内贸易的一些信息地图，见 Gopal, Commerce and Crafts , 16, 80, 160; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 9–11; Beverly Lemire, “Revising the Historical Narrative: India, Europe, and the Cotton Trade, c. 1300–1800,” in Riello and Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World , 226.

32 B. C. Allen, Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers: Dacca (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1912), 106; Sinopoli, Political Economy , 186; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 75; Ramaswamy, Textiles , 44, 53, 55; Wiens, “Cotton Textile,” 522, 528; Yueksel Duman, “Notables, Textiles and Copper in Ottoman Tokat, 1750–1840” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998); Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 22; Max Freiherr von Oppenheim, Der Tell Halaf: Eine neue Kultur im ältesten Mesopotamien (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1931), 70; Sundström, Trade of Guinea , 147; Lamb and Holmes, Nigerian Weaving , 10; Curtin, Economic Change , 48; Aka, Production , 69; Youssoupha Mbargane Guissé, “Ecrire l’histoire économique des artisans et createurs de l’Afrique de l’Ouest” (presentation, Université Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar, Senegal, December 2011); Hauser, Economic Institutional Change , 20–30.

33 Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 49, 51, 53; Hameeda Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers: Impact of the Conflict Between the Revenue and Commercial Interests of the East India Company, 1750–1800,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce , 117; Suraiya Faroqhi, “Notes on the Production of Cotton and Cotton Cloth in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Anatolia,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 267, 268; Inalcik, “Ottoman State”; Huri Islamoglu-Inan, State and Peasant in the Ottoman Empire: Agrarian Power Relations and Regional Economic Development in Ottoman Anatolia During the Sixteenth Century (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 223, 235; Socrates D. Petmezas, “Patterns of Protoindustrialization in the Ottoman Empire: The Case of Eastern Thessaly, ca. 1750–1860,” Journal of European Economic History (1991): 589; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 96, 98; S. Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company: The Handloom Industry in Southeastern India, 1750–90,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce , 87; Bray, “Textile Production,” 127.

34 Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 349; Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2005), 11–12; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 74–82, 89; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 354–55; John H. A. Munro, Textiles, Towns and Trade: Essays in the Economic History of Late-Medieval England and the Low Countries (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1994), 8, 15; Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, “The Cotton Industry of Northern Italy in the Late Middle Ages, 1150–1450,” Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 274.

35 Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, Creating Abundance: Biological Innovation and American Agricultural Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 108–9; John Hebron Moore, “Cotton Breeding in the Old South,” Agricultural History 30, no. 3 (July 1956): 95–104; John Hebron Moore, Agriculture in Ante-Bellum Mississippi (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958), 13–36, 97; Lewis Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860 , vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933), 689–90; James Lawrence Watkins, King Cotton: A Historical and Statistical Review, 1790 to 1908 (New York: J. L. Watkins, 1908), 13; Bassett, Peasant Cotton , 33; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 20–21; Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels , 40; Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 75.

36 Mahatma Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry: Its Past, Present and Future (Calcutta: G. N. Mitra, 1930), 6.

37 As quoted in Henry Lee, The Vegetable Lamb of Tartary: A Curious Fable of the Cotton Plant (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington, 1887), 5.

38 Mann, Cotton Trade , 5; Oppel, Die Baumwolle , 39; see also exhibits at Museu Tèxtil i d’Indumentària, Barcelona, Spain.

39 十字军东征对棉纺织业传入欧洲至关重要，见“Baumwolle,” entry in Lexikon des Mittelalters , vol. 1 (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1980), 1670.

40 Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1931), 15; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 263; Ashtor, “Venetian Cotton,” 677.

41 在12世纪，棉花生产出现在法国南部、加泰罗尼亚，最重要的是意大利北部。参见 Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 268; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1643, 1644; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 114.

42 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 64, 66, 69; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 271, 273, 276; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1643.

43 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 7, 29, 63; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 265.

44 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 53; Ashtor, “Venetian Cotton,” 675, 676, 697; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 35.

45 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 65–66, 74–82, 89; Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin , 11–12; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 274, 275; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben , 65–66, 37, 63, 67, 114, 115; Karl-Heinz Ludwig, “Spinnen im Mittelalter unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Arbeiten‚ cum rota,” Technikgeschichte 57 (1990): 78; Eric Broudy, The Book of Looms: A History of the Handloom from Ancient Times to the Present (Hanover, NH: Brown University Press, 1979), 102; Munro, Textiles , 8, 15.

46 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , xi, 29.

47 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 139, 144, 150, 152; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 282, 284; Wolfgang von Stromer, Die Gründung der Baumwollindustrie in Mitteleuropa (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), 84–86; Eugen Nübling, Ulms Baumwollweberei im Mittelalter (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1890), 146.

48 Von Stromer, Die Gründung , 32; Götz Freiherr von Poelnitz, Die Fugger (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1981); Richard Ehrenberg, Capital and Finance in the Age of the Renaissance: A Study of the Fuggers and Their Connections , trans. H. M. Lucas (New York: Harcourt, 1928).

49 Von Stromer, Die Gründung , 1, 2, 8, 21, 128, 139, 148; Nübling, Ulms Baumwollweberei , 141; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben , 152.

50 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 141; Von Stromer, Die Gründung , 88.

51 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 55, 54, 154; Wadsworth and Mann, Cotton Trade , 23; Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 365; Daniel Goffman, “Izmir: From Village to Colonial Port City,” in Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman, and Bruce Masters, eds., The Ottoman City Between East and West: Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 79–134.

52 Nübling, Ulms Baumwollweberei , 166.

第2章　缔造战争资本主义

1 我在这里使用“网络”一词，而不是“系统”或“世界系统”，因为我想强调地方社会、经济和政治权力分配对塑造世界各地之间联系性质的持续重要性。在这方面我受到下文的启发：Gil J. Stein, Rethinking World-Systems: Diasporas, Colonies, and Interaction in Uruk Mesopotamia (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), especially 171.

2 Om Prakash, The New Cambridge History of India , vol. 2, European Commercial Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 23; Surendra Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, 16th and 17th Centuries: A Study in the Impact of European Expansion on Precapitalist Economy (New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1975), 10–11, 18, 26, 28, 58.

3 Céline Cousquer, Nantes: Une capitale française des Indiennes au XVIIIe siècle (Nantes: Coiffard Editions, 2002), 17.

4 Sinnappah Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company: The Handloom Industry in Southeastern India, 1750–90,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 90; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 2; Walter R. Cassels, Cotton: An Account of Its Culture in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: Bombay Education Society’s Press, 1862), 77; Beverly Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Pasold Research Fund, 1991), 15; Hameeda Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal: The East India Company and the Organization of Textile Production in Bengal, 1750–1813 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988), 65; Proceeding, Bombay Castle, November 10, 1776, in Bombay Commercial Proceedings, P/414, 47, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” CEPR Discussion Paper No. 5183, London, Centre for Economic Policy Research, August 2005, Table 3, p. 32; Daniel Defoe and John McVeagh, A Review of the State of the British Nation , vol. 4, 1707–08 (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2006), 606.

5 See for example Factory Records, Dacca, 1779, Record Group G 15, col. 21 (1779), in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; John Irwin and P. R. Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History (Ahmedabad: Calico Museum of Textiles, 1966).

6 K. N. Chaudhuri, “European Trade with India,” in The Cambridge Economic History of India , vol. 1, c. 1200–c. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 405–6; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 92, 94; Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, Contractor for the Investment anno 1779, in Factory Records, G 36 (Surat), 58, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes , 31.

7 Hameeda Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers: Impact of the Conflict Between the Revenue and Commercial Interests of the East India Company, 1750–1800,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce , 119, 117; Atul Chandra Pradhan, “British Trade in Cotton Goods and the Decline of the Cotton Industry in Orissa,” in Nihar Ranjan Patnaik, ed., Economic History of Orissa (New Delhi: Indus Publishing Co., 1997), 244; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 90; Shantha Hariharan, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study of Purchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak Publications, 2002), 49.

8 Memorandum of the Method of Providing Cloth at Dacca, 1676, in Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 26, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

9 Minutes of the Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle, April 15, 1800, in Minutes of Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle from April 15, 1800, to December 31, 1800, in Bombay Commercial Proceedings, P/414, Box 66, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, 1779, Factory Records Surat, 1780, Box 58, record G 36 (Surat), Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Report of John Taylor on the Cotton Textiles of Dacca, Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, p. 91, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Lakshmi Subramanian, Indigenous Capital and Imperial Expansion: Bombay, Surat and the West Coast (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 15.

10 John Styles, “What Were Cottons for in the Early Industrial Revolution?” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 307–26; Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 354; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300– 1800,” in Riello and Parthasarasi, The Spinning World , 169; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital , 4.

11 Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 157.

12 “Assessing the Slave Trade,” The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, accessed April 5, 2013, http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces .

13 David Richardson, “West African Consumption Patterns and Their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century English Slave Trade,” in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 304; Joseph C. Miller, “Imports at Luanda, Angola 1785–1823,” in G. Liesegang, H. Pasch, and A. Jones, eds., Figuring African Trade: Proceedings of the Symposium on the Quantification and Structure of the Import and Export and Long-Distance Trade in Africa 1800–1913 (Berlin: Reimer, 1986), 164, 192; George Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves: Akan Consumption Patterns in the 1770s,” Journal of African History 28, no. 3 (January 1, 1987): 378–80.

14 Harry Hamilton Johnston, The Kilima-Njaro Expedition: A Record of Scientific Exploration in Eastern Equatorial Africa (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench & Co., 1886), 45; the European traveler is quoted in Jeremy Prestholdt, “On the Global Repercussions of East African Consumerism,” American Historical Review 109, no. 3 (June 1, 2004): 761, 765; Robert Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage Through the Worlds of the Slave Trade (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 81; Miles to Shoolbred, 25 July 1779, T70/1483, National Archives of the UK, Kew, as quoted in Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves,” 388.

15 另参见 Carl Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit: The English Financial Revolution, 1620–1720 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011); Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations , bk. IV, ch. VII, pt. II, vol. II, Edwin Cannan, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 75.

16 Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton , 162; Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1931), 116; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 5; Wolfgang von Stromer, Die Gründung der Baumwollindustrie in Mitteleuropa (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), 28; H. Wescher, “Die Baumwolle im Altertum,” in Ciba-Rundschau 45 (June 1940): 1644–45.

17 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 11, 15, 19, 21, 72.

18 Ibid., 4, 5, 27, 29, 42, 55, 73. 羊毛制造业率先将这一举动带到欧洲农村。见 Herman van der Wee, “The Western European Woolen Industries, 1500–1750,” in David Jenkins, The Cambridge History of Western Textiles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 399.

19 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 36.

20 Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 6; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: Fisher, Fisher and Jackson, 1835), 109; Bernard Lepetit, “Frankreich, 1750–1850,” in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, Handbuch der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte , vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Klett-Verlag für Wissen und Bildung, 1993), 487.

21 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 187.

22 For an overview of that trade see Elena Frangakis-Syrett, “Trade Between the Ottoman Empire and Western Europe: The Case of Izmir in the Eighteenth Century,” New Perspectives on Turkey 2 (1988): 1–18; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 304; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 23. Ellison 错误地断言“直到上个世纪结束前大约二十年，进口到英国的棉花几乎完全来自地中海，主要来自士麦那”; see Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market (London and Liverpool: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 81. On Thessaloniki see Nicolas Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); Manchester Cotton Supply Association, Cotton Culture in New or Partially Developed Sources of Supply: Report of Proceedings (Manchester: Cotton Supply Association, 1862), 30, as quoted in Oran Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 161; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 21. 关于一般背景，见 Bruce McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Struggle for Land, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

23 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 183; “Allotment of goods to be sold by the Royal African Company of England,” Treasury Department, T 70/1515, National Archives of the UK, Kew.

24 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 186; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1927), 22; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean (New York: Century Co., 1928), 39.

25 关于奥斯曼帝国清楚的讨论，见 Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 14; Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle , 246.

26 Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 429–31.

27 Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 100; K. N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 259; Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1978), 5; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 89.

28 Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 85; Diary, Consultation, 18 January 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; 同样强调经济和政治力量的重要性 Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal , 4; B. C. Allen, Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers: Dacca (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1912), 38–39; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital , 202–3, 332.

29 K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Roy, Cloth and Commerce , 59.

30 Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, September 12, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

31 Copy of Letter from Gamut Farmer, President, Surat, to Mr. John Griffith, Esq., Governor in Council Bombay, December 12, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 86; Board of Trade, Report of Commercial Occurrences, September 12, 1787, in Reports to the Governor General from the Board of Trade, RG 172, Box 393, Home Miscellaneous, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Letter from John Griffith, Bombay Castle to William [illegible], Esq., Chief President, October 27, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 121, 125; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal , 9; Dispatch, London, May 29, 1799, in Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1014, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

32 Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 99–100; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 107, 109; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 58–59; Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company , 261.

33 Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 102, 107; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal , 48; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 124–25.

34 Bowanny Sankar Mukherjee as quoted in Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 129; Om Prakah, “Textile Manufacturing and Trade Without and with Coercion: The Indian Experience in the Eighteenth Century” (unpublished paper, Global Economic History Network Conference Osaka, December 2004), 26, accessed July 3, 2013, http://www.lse.ac.uk/economicHistory/Research/GEHN/GEHNPDF/PrakashGEHN5.pdf ; Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal , 52; Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), xiii, 170; Copy of Letter from Board of Directors, London, April 20, 1795, to our President in Council at Bombay, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

35 同样强调抗拒的重要性：Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal , 7; the importance of mobility is stressed by Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company , 252; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 103; see also Details Regarding Weaving in Bengal, Home Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

36 Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, September 12, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. See also Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 94.

37 Amalendu Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts, 1800–1905: A Quantitative Macro-study,” Calcutta Historical Journal 17 (1989): 41–42; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 60; in 1786–87 it was estimated that 16,403 weavers were active in and around Dhaka. Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Diary, Consultation, January 18, 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

38 Dispatch from East India Company, London to Bombay, March 22, 1765, in Dispatches to Bombay, E/4, 997, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London, p. 611.

39 Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Manufacture of this Country, 1793, Home Miscellaneous Series, 401, p. 1, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

40 Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , 430; Inalcik, “The Ottoman State,” 355.

41 M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), xvii; the parliamentary debate is quoted in Cassels, Cotton , 1; the pamphlet is quoted in Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 75; Defoe and McVeagh, A Review of the State of the British Nation , vol. 4, 605–6; Copy of Memorial of the Callicoe Printers to the Lords of the Treasury, Received, May 4, 1779, Treasury Department, T 1, 552, National Archives of the UK, Kew. See, along very similar lines, “The Memorial of the Several Persons whose Names are herunto subscribed on behalf of themselves and other Callico Printers of Great Britain,” received July 1, 1780, at the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T1, 563/72–78, National Archives of the UK, Kew.

42 As quoted in S. V. Puntambekar and N. S. Varadachari, Hand-Spinning and Hand-Weaving: An Essay (Ahmedabad: All India Spinners’ Association, 1926), 49, 51ff., 58; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , 431–32; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton , xvii; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 79; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 132; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton , xvii; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite , 42; Petition to the Treasury by Robert Gardiner, in Treasury Department, T1, 517/ 100–101, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 128; Letter of Vincent Mathias to the Treasury, July 24, 1767, Treasury Department, T 1, 457, National Archives of the UK, Kew.

43 Cousquer, Nantes , 12, 23, 43; Arrêt du conseil d’état du roi, 10 juillet 1785 (Paris: L’Imprimerie Royale, 1785); André Zysberg, Les Galériens: Vies et destiny de 60 ,000 porçats sur les galeres de France, 1680–1748 (Paris: Sevid, 1987); Marc Vigié, Les Galériens du Roi, 1661–1715 (Paris: Fayard, 1985).

44 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 118–19; Examen des effets que doivent produire dans le commerce de France, l’usage et la fabrication des toiles peintes (Paris: Chez la Veuve Delaguette, 1759); Friedrich Wilhelm, King of Prussia, Edict dass von Dato an zu rechnen nach Ablauf acht Monathen in der Chur-Marck Magdeburgischen, Halberstadtschem und Pommern niemand einigen gedruckten oder gemahlten Zitz oder Cattun weiter tragen soll (Berlin: G. Schlechtiger, 1721); Yuksel Duman, “Notables, Textiles and Copper in Ottoman Tokat, 1750–1840” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998), 144–45.

45 François-Xavier Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique, géographique et politique sur l’Indoustan, avec le tableau de son commerce , vol. 2 (Paris: Pougin, 1807), 326; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite , 3–42.

46 See also George Bryan Souza, “Convergence Before Divergence: Global Maritime Economic History and Material Culture,” International Journal of Maritime History 17, no. 1 (2005): 17–27; Georges Roques, “La manière de négocier dans les Indes Orientales,” Fonds Français 14614, Bibliothèque National, Paris; Paul R. Schwartz, “L’impression sur coton à Ahmedabad (Inde) en 1678,” Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse , no. 1 (1967): 9–25; Cousquer, Nantes , 18–20; Jean Ryhiner, Traité sur la fabrication et le commerce des toiles peintes, commencés en 1766 , Archive du Musée de l’Impression sur étoffes, Mulhouse, France. See also the 1758 Réflexions sur les avantages de la libre fabrication et de l’usage des toiles peintes en France (Geneva: n.p., 1758), Archive du Musée de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France; M. Delormois, L’art de faire l’indienne à l’instar d’Angleterre, et de composer toutes les couleurs, bon teint, propres à l’indienne (Paris: Charles-Antoine Jambert, 1770); Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique , vol. 2, 165, 331, as quoted in Florence d’Souza, “Legoux de Flaix’s Observations on Indian Technologies Unknown in Europe,” in K. S. Mathew, ed., French in India and Indian Nationalism , vol. 1 (Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1999), 323–24.

47 Dorte Raaschou, “Un document Danois sur la fabrication des toiles Peintes à Tranquebar, aux Indes, à la fin du XVIII siècle,” in Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse , no. 4 (1967): 9–21; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 119; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , 432; Philosophical Magazine 30 (1808): 259; Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 4. See also S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 12; Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 126.

48 Cotton Goods Manufacturers, Petition to the Lords Commissioner of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T 1, 676/30, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Dispatch, November 21, 1787, Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1004, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

49 Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution , 16.

50 Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 262; Irwin and Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History , 12. 我们知道，在整个18世纪，奴隶是非洲最重要的“出口品”，占贸易总额的80%至90%。J. S. Hogendorn and H. A. Gemery, “The ‘Hidden Half’ of the Anglo-African Trade in the Eighteenth Century: The Significance of Marion Johnson’s Statistical Research,” in David Henige and T. C. McCaskie, eds., West African Economic and Social History: Studies in Memory of Marion Johnson (Madison: African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 90; Extract Letter, East India Company, Commercial Department, London, to Bombay, May 4, 1791, in Home Miss. 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes , 32; de Flaix is quoted in Richard Roberts, “West Africa and the Pondicherry Textile Industry,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce , 142.

51 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 116, 127, 147; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , 434–35, 448; Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations , bk. IV, ch. I, vol. I, 470.

52 Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade , 122, 131, 151, 154; Extract Letter to Bombay, Commercial Department, May 4, 1791, in Home Miscellaneous 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

53 Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1947), 277; George Unwin, in introduction to George W. Daniels, The Early English Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1920), xxx. This is brilliantly shown by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002. 然而，他们所缺少的是战争资本主义制度在欧洲核心之外的世界其他地区的持续重要性。

54 See here the important work of Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit , esp. 223–25; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , 478–79; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 191.

55 Cited in Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal, Cheshire, UK: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989).

56 See for example Kevin H. O’Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, “After Columbus: Explaining Europe’s Overseas Trade Boom, 1500–1800,” Journal of Economic History 62 (2002): 417–56; Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez, “Path Dependence, Time Lags and the Birth of Globalization: A Critique of O’Rourke and Williamson,” European Review of Economic History 8 (2004): 81–108; Janet Abu-Lughod, The World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End or Precursor? (Washington, DC: American Historical Association, 1993); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). 我同意 Joseph E. Inikori 的观点，他主张“全球商品生产综合进程”对全球化历史的重要性。见 Joseph E. Inikori, “Africa and the Globalization Process: Western Africa, 1450–1850,” Journal of Global History (2007): 63–86.

57 Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 20.

第3章　战争资本主义的收益

1 Anthony Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 41; Michael James, From Smuggling to Cotton Kings: The Greg Story (Cirencester, UK: Memoirs, 2010), 4, 8–9, 37–40; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 5.

2 Caitlin C. Rosenthal, “Slavery’s Scientific Management: Accounting for Mastery,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming, 2015). A good discussion of the importance of slavery to industrialization can also be found in Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 104–7.

3 The importance of the Atlantic trade in the great divergence is also emphasized by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002, esp. 4; 英国社会参与奴隶制的深度及其从中获得的重大物质利益体现，参见 Nicholas Draper, The Price of Emancipation: Slave-Ownership, Compensation and British Society at the End of Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

4 Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill , 15–16, 20. He was, in fact, as his biographer Mary B. Rose argued, “responding to the growing demand for cloth”—a demand that he knew of firsthand. See Mary B. Rose, “The Role of the Family in Providing Capital and Managerial Talent in Samuel Greg and Company, 1784–1840,” Business History 19, no. 1 (1977): 37–53.

5 James, From Smuggling to Cotton Kings , 21. For the conversion: Eric Nye, “Pounds Sterling to Dollars: Historical Conversion of Currency,” University of Wyoming, accessed January 9, 2013, http://www.uwyo.edu/numimage/currency.htm . 事实上，在1801到1804年之间，格雷格59%的产品销往美国；见 Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill , 24, 28, 30,33. For interest rates on bonds see David Stasavage, Public Debt and the Birth of the Democratic State: France and Great Britain, 1688–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 96.

6 See David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technical Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present , 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin, 2011); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998). For an overview see also Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), chapter 2.

7 M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), v; Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2001), 27. 即使有人强调工业革命加大经济增长的速度并不快，比如 Nicholas Crafts，仍然认为这是“加快全要素生产率增长”的分水岭。见 Nicholas Crafts, “The First Industrial Revolution: Resolving the Slow Growth/Rapid Industrialization Paradox,” Journal of the European Economic Association 3, no. 2/3 (May 2005): 525–39, here 533. But see Peter Temin, “Two Views of the Industrial Revolution,” Journal of Economic History 57 (March 1997): 63–82, 以重申工业革命对整个英国经济的影响。关于工业革命的解释几乎和关于它的书一样多。有关详细概述，请参阅 Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , chapter 2. 但长期而缓慢的文化或体制变革并不能解释英国与世界其他地区的迅速分化。

8 Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989), 6.

9 Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1964), 294; Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 1789–1848 (London: Abacus, 1977), 49; Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill , 7; Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” CEPR Discussion Paper No. 5183, London, Centre for Economic Policy Research, August 2005, 7.

10 Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 27. Robert C. Allen 正确地强调了对作为工业革命核心驱动力的更高效机械的需求的重要性。然而，对机器需求最终来自于棉花商品巨大市场的存在和英国资本家为其服务的能力。见 Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), for example p. 137.

11 关于对这一论据最好的解说，见 Allen, The British Industrial Revolution ; See also Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence”; K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 74; Friedrich Hassler, Vom Spinnen und Weben (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1952), 7.

12 Almut Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben: Entwicklung von Technik und Arbeit im Textilgewerbe (Reinbeck: Rowohlt, 1981), 25, 201.

13 Mike Williams and D. A. Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester (Preston, UK: Carnegie, 1992), 9.

14 S. & W. Salte to Samuel Oldknow, November 5, 1787, Record Group SO/1,265, Oldknow Papers, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

15 S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 20; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 23.

16 Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London; H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835) 353; Price of Mule Yarn from 1796 to 1843 sold by McConnel & Kennedy, Manchester, in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, record group MCK, file 3/3/8, John Rylands Library, Manchester; C. Knick Harley, “Cotton Textile Prices and the Industrial Revolution,” Economic History Review , New Series, 51, no. 1 (February 1998): 59.

17 这些数字只是估计数字。See Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 8, 26; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution , 22, 29; Howe, The Cotton Masters , 6.

18 Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution , 46; Allen, The British Industrial Revolution , 191; Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism , 269; Salvin Brothers of Castle Eden Co., Durham, to McConnel & Kennedy, Castle Eden, July 22, 1795, Letters, 1795, record group MCK, box 2/1/1, in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

19 Patrick O’Brien, “The Geopolitics of a Global Industry: Eurasian Divergence and the Mechanization of Cotton Textile Production in England,” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 360. See also, Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism , 258.

20 例如，大曼彻斯特地区的第一家“大型专用棉纺厂”就是1782年左右建造的舒德尔棉纺厂。它有两百英尺长，三十英尺宽，五层楼高。See Williams and Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester , 50; Stanley D. Chapman, The Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1967), 65.

21 Williams and Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester , 4–9; Harold Catling, The Spinning Mule (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1970), 150.

22 Charles Tilly, “Social Change in Modern Europe: The Big Picture,” in Lenard R. Berlanstein, ed., The Industrial Revolution and Work in Nineteenth-Century Europe (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 53.

23 M. Elvin, “The High-Level Equilibrium Trap: The Causes of the Decline of Invention in the Traditional Chinese Textile Industries,” in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972), 137ff. See also Sucheta Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China: Peasants, Technology and the World Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 183; Philip C. C. Huang, The Peasant Family and Rural Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350–1988 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990), 44.

24 For this argument see Roy Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997); Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 57.

25 Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill , 39–40; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution , 29; William Emerson to McConnel & Kennedy, Belfast, December 8, 1795, in John Rylands Library, Manchester.

26 Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution , 29, 32; Howe, The Cotton Masters , 9, 11–12.

27 A. C. Howe, “Oldknow, Samuel (1756–1828),” in H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, eds., Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); George Unwin, Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights: The Industrial Revolution at Stockport and Marple (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1968), 2, 6, 45, 107, 123, 127, 135, 140.

28 Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution , 31, 37–41; Howe, The Cotton Masters , 24, 27; M. J. Daunton, Progress and Poverty: An Economic and Social History of Britain, 1700–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 199; Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism , 268.

29 Partnership Agreement Between Benjamin Sanford, William Sanford, John Kennedy, and James McConnel, 1791: 1/2; Personal Ledger, 1795–1801: 3/1/1, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

30 N. F. R. Crafts, British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 22; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben , 26; Allen, The British Industrial Revolution , 182; Howe, The Cotton Masters , 1, 51.

31 Fernand Braudel, Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977), 109.

32 Beverly Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).

33 Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain , 335; R. C. Allen and J. L. Weisdorf, “Was There an ‘Industrious Revolution’ Before the Industrial Revolution? An Empirical Exercise for England, c. 1300–1830,” Economic History Review 64, no. 3 (2011): 715–29; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 184, 188, 200; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 5; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain , 349–50; For the general point see Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , 436, 450; Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution , 49. The table on page 74 is based on figures in Tables X and XI in Elizabeth Boody Schumpeter and T. S. Ashton, English Overseas Trade Statistics, 1697–1808 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), 29–34. Table X provides values of the principal English exports of textile goods, excluding woolens, for the years 1697 to 1771, 1775, and 1780 in pounds sterling. Table XI provides quantities and values of the principal British exports of textile goods, excluding woolens, for 1772–1807 in pounds sterling, with the years 1772–91 including England and Wales and 1792–1807 including all of Great Britain.

34 O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 185; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain , 349.

35 Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firm KLM Private Ltd., 1978), 25; John Taylor, Account of the District of Dacca by the Commercial Resident Mr. John Taylor in a Letter to the Board of Trade at Calcutta dated 30th November 1800 with P.S. 2 November 1801 and Inclosures, In Reply to a Letter from the Board dated 6th February 1798 transmitting Copy of the 115th Paragraph of the General Letter from the Court of Directors dated 9th May 1797 Inviting the Collection of Materials for the use of the Company’s Historiographer , Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, Box F, pp. 111–12, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; The Principal Heads of the History and Statistics of the Dacca Division (Calcutta: E. M. Lewis, 1868), 129; Shantha Harihara, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study of Purchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak, 2002), 75; “Extracts from the Reports of the Reporter of External Commerce in Bengal; from the year 1795 to the latest Period for which the same can be made up,” in House of Commons Papers , vol. 8 (1812–13), 23. See also Konrad Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce , 179; G. A. Prinsep, Remarks on the External Commerce and Exchanges of Bengal (London: Kingsbury, Parbury, and Allen, 1823), 28; “The East-India and China Trade,” Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British India and Its Dependencies 28, no. 164 (August 1829): 150.

36 O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 177–209; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , 445, 447–48; Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 266; Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 263.

37 我们进一步阐释：正如许多观察家所言，机构非常重要。然而，问题是如何界定这些机构，并将其产生植根于特定的历史进程。机构不是历史行为者“意志”的问题；相反，它们是若干因素汇合的结果，而且最重要的是，是社会力量特别平衡的结果。正如我们将在后面几章中看到的那样，世界许多地区的社会和政治结构并不适合接受工业资本主义或通常与之相适应的机构。The report of the French commission is cited in Henry Brooke Parnell, On Financial Reform , 3rd ed. (London: John Murray, 1832), 84; William J. Ashworth, “The Ghost of Rostow: Science, Culture and the British Industrial Revolution,” History of Science 156 (2008): 261.

38 On the Royal Navy, see O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 189–90. 在此，我同意最近强调机构至关重要的文献。The argument has been made most persuasively by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (New York: Crown Business, 2012). 然而，根据 Acemouglu 和 Robinson 的说法，这些机构仍然有些不确定，它们自己的历史（以及它们的战争资本主义起源）仍然不明。关于坚持机构的重要性，另见 Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The Six Killer Apps of Western Power (London: Penguin, 2012).

39 See here also the intriguing argument by Acemoglu et al., “The Rise of Europe.”

40 Howe, The Cotton Masters , 90, 94.

41 Petition of manufacturers of calicoes, muslins and other cotton goods in Glasgow asking for extension of exemption for Auction Duty Act, July 1, 1789 (received), Treasury Department, record group T 1, 676/30, National Archives of the UK, Kew.

42 See Allen, The British Industrial Revolution , 5.

43 Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain , 321–29.

44 Ibid., 503–4; William J. Ashworth, Customs and Excise Trade, Production, and Consumption in England, 1640–1845 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 4, 8; O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 206; Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal 61 (July 1835): 455.

45 利用 Kenneth Pomeranz 提供的数字（只能视为粗略估计），精确倍数为417。Pomeranz, The Great Divergence , 139, 337; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Beyond the East-West Binary: Resituating Development Paths in the Eighteenth-Century World,” Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 569; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain , 215.

46 Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution , 44; Thomas Ashton to William Rathbone VI, Flowery Fields, January 17, 1837, Record Group RP.IX.1.48–63, Rathbone Papers, University of Liverpool, Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool; the English visitor is quoted in Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), 89; Alexis de Tocqueville, Journeys to England and Ireland , trans. George Lawrence and K. P. Mayer, ed. K. P. Mayer (London: Transaction Publishers, 2003), 107–8; Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia , Query XIX.

47 Dale Tomich and Michael Zeuske, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008), 91–100; Michael Zeuske, “The Second Slavery: Modernity, Mobility, and Identity of Captives in Nineteenth-Century Cuba and the Atlantic World,” in Javier Lavina and Michael Zeuske, eds., The Second Slavery: Mass Slaveries and Modernity in the Americas and in the Atlantic Basin (Berlin, Münster, and New York: LIT Verlag, 2013); Dale Tomich, Rafael Marquese, and Ricardo Salles, eds., Frontiers of Slavery (Binghamton: State University of New York Press, forthcoming).

48 J. De Cordova, The Cultivation of Cotton in Texas: The Advantages of Free Labour, A Lecture Delivered at the Town Hall, Manchester, on Tuesday, the 28th day of September, 1858, before the Cotton Supply Association (London: J. King & Co., 1858), 70–71.

第4章　攫取劳动力和土地

1 A. Moreau de Jonnes, “Travels of a Pound of Cotton,” Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British India and Its Dependencies 21 (January–June 1826) (London: Kingsbury, Parbury & Allen, 1826), 23.

2 J. T. Danson, “On the Existing Connection Between American Slavery and the British Cotton Manufacture,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 20 (March 1857): 6, 7, 19. For a similar argument see also Elisée Reclus, “Le coton et la crise Améri-caine,” Revue des Deux Mondes 37 (1862): 176, 187. 关于资本主义和奴隶制之间关系，以下作品也有讨论：Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 321–49; Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); and Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).

3 “Cotton, Raw, Quantity Consumed and Manufactured,” in Levi Woodbury, United States Deptartment of the Treasury, Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury transmitting Tables and Notes on the Cultivation, Manufacture, and Foreign Trade of Cotton (1836), 40.

4 关于“第二次奴隶制”的概念，见 Dale Tomich, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Histories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008). For the commodity frontier see Jason W. Moore, “Sugar and the Expansion of the Early Modern World-Economy: Commodity Frontiers, Ecological Transformation, and Industrialization,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 23, no. 3 (2000): 409–33. See also Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 22.

5 On cotton growing in France see C. P. De Lasteyrie, Du cotonnier et de sa culture (Paris: Bertrand, 1808); Notice sur le coton, sa culture, et sur la posibilité de le cultiver dans le département de la Gironde , 3rd ed. (Bordeaux: L’Imprimerie de Brossier, 1823); on this effort see also Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Co., 1884), 48. On efforts to grow cotton in Lancashire see John Holt, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lancaster (London: G. Nicol, 1795), 207.

6 N. G. Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956), 67; Bombay Dispatches, IO/E/4, 996, pp. 351, 657; British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Venetian Cotton Trade in Syria in the Later Middle Ages,” Studi Medievali , ser. 3, vol. 17 (1976): 676, 682, 686.

7 In 1790, the cotton consumption of Great Britain amounted to 30.6 million pounds. Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 215, 347, 348; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange, 1886), 49; Joel Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 99; Bernard Lepetit, “Frankreich, 1750–1850,” in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, Handbuch der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte , vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1993), 487; Bremer Handelsblatt 2 (1851): 4.

8 Ellison, The Cotton Trade , 82–83; Michael M. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 1780–1815 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967), 75.

9 William Edensor, An Address to the Spinners and Manufacturers of Cotton Wool, Upon the Present Situation of the Market (London: The Author, 1792), 15. There was always a shortage of labor, which meant that production on plantations was unimaginable. Huri Islamoglu-Inan, “State and Peasants in the Ottoman Empire: A Study of Peasant Economy in North-Central Anatolia During the Sixteenth Century,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 126; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 11, 236; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 25–27. On the capital shortage see Donald Quataert, “The Commercialization of Agriculture in Ottoman Turkey, 1800–1914,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 1 (1980): 44–45. On the importance of political independence see Sevket Pamuk, The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820–1913 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 53; Ellison, The Cotton Trade , 82–83; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 86.

10 Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Manufacture of this Country, 1793, Home Miscellaneous Series, 401, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

11 “Objections to the Annexed Plan,” November 10, 1790, Home Miscellaneous Series, 434, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

12 See for example Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 75, 82–83; Ellison, The Cotton Trade , 28, 84; East-India Company, Reports and Documents Connected with the Proceedings of the East-India Company in Regard to the Culture and Manufacture of Cotton-Wool, Raw Silk, and Indigo in India (London: East-India Company, 1836); Copy of letter by George Smith to Charles Earl Cornwallis, Calcutta, October 26, 1789, in Home Miscellaneous Series, 434, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Various Copies of Letters Copied into a Book relating to Cotton, 729–54, in Home Miscellaneous Series, 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.

13 On the long history of cotton in the Caribbean see David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change Since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 158–59, 183, 194, 296; Charles Mackenzie, Facts, Relative to the Present State of the British Cotton Colonies and to the Connection of their Interests (Edinburgh: James Clarke, 1811); Daniel McKinnen, A Tour Through the British West Indies, in the Years 1802 and 1803: Giving a Particular Account of the Bahama Islands (London: White, 1804); George F. Tyson Jr., “On the Periphery of the Peripheries: The Cotton Plantations of St. Croix, Danish West Indies, 1735–1815,” Journal of Caribbean History 26, no. 1 (1992): 3, 6–8; “Tableau de Commerce, &c. de St. Domingue,” in Bryan Edwards, An Historical Survey of the Island of Saint Domingo (London: Printed for John Stockdale, 1801), 230–31.

14 “Report from the Select Committee on the Commercial State of the West India Colonies,” in Great Britain, House of Commons, Sessional Papers, 1807, III (65), pp. 73–78, as quoted in Ragatz, Statistics , 22; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 250; Selwyn H. H. Carrington, The British West Indies During the American Revolution (Dordrecht: Foris, 1988), 31; “An Account of all Cotton Wool of the Growth of the British Empire Imported annually into that part of Great Britain Called England,” National Archives of the UK, Kew, Treasury Department, T 64/275, in the chart on page 90. The numbers (totals, and details for 1786) in the chart on page 90 are from Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture , 347.

15 “Report from the Select Committee on the Commercial State of the West India Colonies,” in Great Britain, House of Commons, Sessional Papers, 1807, III (65), pp. 73–78, as quoted in Lowell J. Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1928), 22; Lowell J. Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean, 1763–1833: A Study in Social and Economic History (New York: Century Co., 1928), 38; M. Placide-Justin, Histoire politique et statistique de l’île d’Hayti, Saint-Domingue; écrite sur des documents officiels et des notes communiquées par Sir James Barskett, agent du gouvernement britannique dans les Antilles (Paris: Brière, 1826), 501. On “coton des isles” see Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 56; Nathan Hall to John King, Nassau, May 27, 1800, Box 15, CO 23, National Archives of the UK, Kew.

16 Robert H. Schomburgk, The History of Barbados: Comprising a Geographical and Statistical Description of the Island; a Sketch of the Historical Events Since the Settlement; and an Account of Its Geology and Natural Productions (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1848), 640; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 79; Selwyn Carrington, “The American Revolution and the British West Indies Economy,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 841–42; Edward N. Rappaport and José Fernandez-Partagas, “The Deadliest Atlantic Tropical Cyclones, 1492–1996,” National Hurricane Center, National Weather Service, May 28, 1995, accessed August 6, 2010, http://www.nhc.noaa.gov/pastdeadly.shtml ; Ragatz, Statistics , 15; S. G. Stephens, “Cotton Growing in the West Indies During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” Tropical Agriculture 21 (February 1944): 23–29; Wallace Brown, The Good Americans: The Loyalists in the American Revolution (New York: Morrow, 1969), 2; Gail Saunders, Bahamian Loyalists and Their Slaves (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1983), 37.

17 David Eltis, “The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance, Evolution and Significance,” in Franklin W. Knight, ed., General History of the Caribbean , vol. 3, The Slave Societies of the Caribbean (London: Unesco Publishing, 1997), 113, Table 3:1. On production see Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 79. On French demand and reexports from European French ports see Jean Tarrade, Le commerce colonial de la France à la fin de l’Ancien Régime (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972), 748–49, 753. I assumed that most of the colonial cotton reexported from France went to Great Britain.

18 In 1790, there were 705 cotton plantations on the island, compared to 792 sugar plantations. Edwards, An Historical Survey , 163–65, 230, 231. On Saint-Domingue cotton production see also Schomburgk, The History of Barbados , 150; Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class , 39, 125; David Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-Rom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Tarrade, Le commerce colonial , 759.

19 Stefano Fenoaltea, “Slavery and Supervision in Comparative Perspective: A Model,” Journal of Economic History 44 (September 1984): 635–68.

20 Moore, “Sugar,” 412, 428.

21 Resat Kasaba, “Incorporation of the Ottoman Empire,” Review 10, Supplement (Summer/Fall 1987): 827.

22 Transactions of the Society Instituted at London for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce 1 (London: Dodsley, 1783), 254; Ellison, The Cotton Trade , 28; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 77; Governor Orde to Lord Sydney, Roseau, Dominica, June 13, 1786, in Colonial Office, 71/10, National Archives of the UK; President Lucas to Lord Sydney, Granada, June 9, 1786, Dispatches Granada, Colonial Office, 101/26; Governor D. Parry to Lord Sydney, Barbados, May 31, 1786, Dispatches Barbados, Colonial Office, 28/60, National Archives of the UK; President Brown to Sydney, New Providence, 23 February 1786, in Dispatches Bahamas, Colonial Office 23/15, National Archives of the UK. On the pressure by manufacturers see also Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 75–76; Governor Orde to Lord Sydney, Rouseau, Dominica, March 30, 1788, National Archives of the UK.

23 关于奴隶在资本主义史上的角色已经有很多讨论以它为主题，相当完善的摘要有 Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (New York: Verso, 1997), 509–80. See also the important article by Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 35–50; Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery: British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 9. The notion of “second slavery” is from Dale Tomich and Michael Zeuske, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008). Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch argues that this expansion of slavery in the Americas also led to a “second slavery” in Africa. See Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “African Slaves and Atlantic Metissage: A Periodization 1400–1880,” paper presented at “2nd Slaveries and the Atlantization of the Americas” colloquium, University of Cologne, July 2012; Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, http://www.slavevoyages.org , accessed January 31, 2013.

24 Alan H. Adamson, Sugar Without Slaves: The Political Economy of British Guiana, 1838–1904 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 24; Johannes Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 288.

25 See for example, Roger Hunt, Observations Upon Brazilian Cotton Wool, for the Information of the Planter and With a View to Its Improvement (London: Steel, 1808), 3; Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Co., 1889), 28; John C. Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil: The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation; Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1885), 9, 46; Celso Furtado, The Economic Growth of Brazil: A Survey from Colonial to Modern Times (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), 97; Caio Prado, The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 171–73, cited on 458; Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 31; Francisco de Assis Leal Mesquita, “Vida e morte da economia algodoeira do Maranhão, uma análise das relações de produção na cultura do algodão, 1850–1890” (PhD dissertation, Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 1987), 50.

26 Beshara Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700–1900 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 99; William Milburn, Oriental Commerce: Containing a Geographical Description of the Principal Places in the East Indies, China, and Japan, With Their Produce, Manufactures, and Trade (London: Black, Parry & Co., 1813), 281; Mesquita, “Vida e morte,” 63; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 83.

27 John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, St. James’s Hotel, February 5, 1788, 920 TAR, Box 4, Letter 5, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool. For cotton merchants owning a plantation see Sandbach, Tinne & Co. Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. For cotton merchants trading in slaves see John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, April 29, 1790, letter 8, 4, 920 TAR, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of John Tarleton, 920 TAR, Box 2 and Box 5, Liverpool Records Office.

28 1820年，种植英国工业消耗的棉花需要873312英亩的土地，这将占英国可耕地的7.8%，并雇198738名农业工人。1840年棉花消费量需要3273414英亩土地，这将占英国可耕地的29%，需要544066名农业劳动者。Cotton consumption in 1820 (152,829,633 pounds according to Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 93–4) divided by 1820 yield per acre (175 pounds according to Whartenby, “Land and Labor Productivity,” 54); 1820 required cotton acreage (873,312 acres) as a share of 1827 arable land (11,143,370 acres). Figure for arable land taken from Rowland E. Prothero, English Farming Past and Present (New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1972 [1st ed. London, 1917]), [(“Table 2.–1827”) and Select Committee on Emigration, 1827. Evidence of Mr. W. Couling. Sessional Papers , 1827, vol. v., p. 361]. 1840 cotton consumption (592,488,010 pounds according to Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 94) divided by 1840 yield per acre (181 pounds according to Whartenby, “Land and Labor Productivity,” 54). Cotton consumption in 1860 (1,140,599,712 pounds) divided by 1840 yield of cotton per acre in the United States (181 pounds). And 1860 cotton consumption divided by 1840 yield per worker (1,089 pounds) in the United States. See also Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 276, 315. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 75. The resistance to change in the European agricultural system is also emphasized by Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 326. For discussion of the great divergence see also David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technical Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present , 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin, 2011); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998). For an overview see also Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England , chapter 2.

29 This is also argued for the West Indies by Ragatz, Statistics , 10, 370. On the importance of sugar as a competitor to cotton see Imperial Department of Agriculture for the West Indies, Information Relating to Cotton Cultivation in the West Indies (Barbados: Commissioner of Agriculture for the West Indies, 1903). Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 79, 250. Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 170; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 79, 80, 86; DB 176, Sandbach, Tinne & Co. Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool.

30 Edensor, An Address to the Spinners and Manufacturers of Cotton Wool , 14, 21–3; Franklin, The Present State of Hayti (St. Domingo), with Remarks on Its Agriculture, Commerce, Laws, Religion, Finances, and Population, etc. (London: J. Murray, 1828), 123; Pennsylvania Gazette , June 13, 1792.

31 John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, September 27, 1792, letter 33, February 4, 1795, letter 75, 920 TAR, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool. See also Orhan Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 16; Brian R. Mitchell, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 490. On rising prices see also Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 370; Emily A. Rathbone, ed., Records of the Rathbone Family (Edinburgh: R. & R. Clark, 1913), 47; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 88.

32 Tench Coxe, A Memoir of February, 1817, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Wool Cultivation, the Cotton Trade and the Cotton Manufactories of the United States of America (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of American Manufactures, 1817).

第5章　奴隶制盛行

1 Petition, To the Right Honorable the Lords of His Majesty’s Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, December 8, 1785, in Board of Trade, National Archives of the UK, Kew. Other sources speak of a similar incident in 1784. See for example Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Co., 1884), 37.

2 See, for example, Ernst von Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft in den Nordamerikanischen Südstaaten, part 1, Die Sklavenzeit (Leipzig: Verlag von Duncker & Humblot, 1897), 16–17; Jay Treaty, Article XII; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange, 1886), 85; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton , 45.

3 Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 14; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton , 39; George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, February 13, 1789, reprinted in Jared Sparks, The Writings of George Washington , vol. 9 (Boston: Russell, Odiorne, and Metcalf & Hilliard, Gray, and Co., 1835), 470; Tench Coxe, A Memoir of February 1817, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Wool Cultivation, the Cotton Trade, and the Cotton Manufactories of the United States of America (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of American Manufactures, 1817), 2; on Coxe in general see James A. B. Scherer, Cotton as a World Power: A Study in the Economic Interpretation of History (New York: F. A. Stokes Co., 1916), 122–23; Tench Coxe, View of the United States of America (Philadelphia: William Hall, 1794), 20; Michael M. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 1780–1815 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967), 87; Tench Coxe to Robert Livingston, June 10, 1802, in Papers of Tench Coxe, Correspondence and General Papers, June 1802, Film A 201, reel 74, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

4 “Cotton. Cultivation, manufacture, and foreign trade of. Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,” March 4, 1836 (Washington, DC: Blair & Rives, 1836), 8, accessed July 29, 2013, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011159609 .

5 Joyce Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South in Georgia and South Carolina, 1760–1815,” Journal of Southern History 57 (May 1991): 178; Lewis Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860 , vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933), 673; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton , 36, 41; on the household production of cotton and cotton cloth see also Scherer, Cotton as a World Power , 124–25; Ralph Izard to Henry Laurens, Bath, December 20, 1775, as reprinted in Correspondence of Mr. Ralph Izard of South Carolina, From the Year 1774 to 1804; With a Short Memoir (New York: Charles S. Francis & Co., 1844), 174, see also 16, 82, 246, 296, 300, 370, 386, 390.

6 John Hebron Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom in the Old Southwest: Mississippi, 1770–1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), 77; Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 177, 188, 193.

7 Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 80, 85; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton , 40. However, there was and continues to be substantial controversy as to who planted the first cotton. See Nichol Turnbull, “The Beginning of Cotton Cultivation in Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 2, no. 1 (March 1917): 39–45; Gray, History of Agriculture , 675–79; S. G. Stephen, “The Origins of Sea Island Cotton,” Agricultural History 50 (1976): 391–99; Trapman, Schmidt & Co. to McConnel & Kennedy, Charleston, January 3, 1824, record group MCK, Box 2/1/30, Letters Received by McConnel & Kennedy, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

8 “La Rapida Transformacion del Paisaje Viorgen de Guantanamo por los immigrantes Franceses (1802–1809),” in Levi Marrero, Cuba: Economía y sociedad , vol. 11, Azúcar, ilustración y conciencia, 1763–1868 (Madrid: Editorial Playor, 1983), 148; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom , 4; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 92; Brian Schoen, The Fragile Fabric of Union: Cotton, Federal Politics, and the Global Origins of the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 12.

9 Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South , 13; Gray, History of Agriculture , 735.

10 Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South , 13; on Whitney see Scherer, Cotton as a World Power , 155–67; Stuart W. Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 1790–1860: Sources and Readings (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1967), 45; Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003) disagrees, in my eyes unpersuasively, with this account; David Ramsay, Ramsay’s History of South Carolina, From Its First Settlement in 1670 to the Year 1808 , vol. 2 (Newberry, SC: W. J. Duffie, 1858), 121.

11 Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 370; Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 187; here she summarizes one such story; Gray, History of Agriculture , 685; Lacy K. Ford, “Self-Sufficiency, Cotton, and Economic Development in the South Carolina Upcountry, 1800–1860,” Journal of Economic History 45 (June 1985): 261–67.

12 The numbers are from Adam Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South, 1790–1820” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2000), 20; Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People: Black Migrants in the Age of the American Revolution, 1790–1820,” in Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1983), 149; Peter A. Coclanis and Lacy K. Ford, “The South Carolina Economy Reconstructed and Reconsidered: Structure, Output, and Performance, 1670–1985,” in Winfred B. Moore Jr. et al., Developing Dixie: Modernization in a Traditional Society (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 97; Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People,” 149; Gray, History of Agriculture , 685.

13 Farmer’s Register , vol. 1, 490, as quoted in William Chandler Bagley, Soil Exhaustion and the Civil War (Washington, DC: American Council on Public Affairs, 1942), 18–19; Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy , 80–81.

14 United States, Department of Commerce and Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970 , Part 1 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), 518; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 302; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 89, 95; Ramsay, Ramsay’s History of South Carolina , 121.

15 Coxe, A Memoir of February 1817 , 3.

16 For a most interesting discussion on frontier spaces see John C. Weaver, The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World, 1650–1900 (Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2003), 72–76.

17 Note by Thomas Baring, Sunday, June 19, in NP 1. A. 4. 13, Northbrook Papers, Baring Brothers, ING Baring Archive, London.

18 Gray, History of Agriculture , 686, 901; the story is summarized in Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 155–69; see also Daniel H. Usner Jr., American Indians in the Lower Mississippi Valley: Social and Economic Histories (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 83–89; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 7; Lawrence G. Gundersen Jr., “West Tennessee and the Cotton Frontier, 1818–1840,” West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 52 (1998): 25–43; David Hubbard to J. D. Beers, March 7, 1835, in New York and Mississippi Land Company Records, 1835–1889, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison. Thanks to Richard Rabinowitz for bringing this source to my attention.

19 Dewi Ioan Ball and Joy Porter, eds., Competing Voices from Native America (Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press, 2009), 85–87.

20 This story is related in fascinating detail in Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 20ff.; Gray, History of Agriculture , 709; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom , 6; John F. Stover, The Routledge Historical Atlas of the American Railroads (New York: Routledge, 1999), 15.

21 American Cotton Planter 1 (1853): 152; De Bow’s Review 11 (September 1851): 308; see also James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 53; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 237.

22 Charles Mackenzie, Facts, Relative to the Present State of the British Cotton Colonies and to the Connection of Their Interests (Edinburgh: James Clarke, 1811), 35; “Cotton. Cultivation, manufacture, and foreign trade of. Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,” March 4, 1836 (Washington, DC: Blair & Rives, 1836), 16, accessed July 29, 2013, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011159609 .

23 Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People,” 143–52; James McMillan, “The Final Victims: The Demography, Atlantic Origins, Merchants, and Nature of the Post-Revolutionary Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783–1810” (PhD dissertation, Duke University, 1999), 40–98; Walter Johnson, “Introduction,” in Walter Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), 6; Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 59, 84, 314; Scherer, Cotton as a World Power , 151; Michael Tadman, Speculators and Slaves: Masters, Traders, and Slaves in the Old South (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 12.

24 See John H. Moore, “Two Cotton Kingdoms,” Agricultural History 60, no. 4 (Fall 1986): 1–16; numbers are from Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South , 27–28; Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 38.

25 John Brown, Slave Life in Georgia: A Narrative of the Life, Sufferings, and Escape of John Brown, a Fugitive Slave, Now in England: Electronic Edition , ed. Louis Alexis Chamerovzow (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2001), 11, 27, 171–72, http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/jbrown/jbrown.html , originally published in 1854; Henry Bibb, Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, an American Slave, Written by Himself: Electronic Edition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2000), 132, http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/bibb/bibb.html , originally published in 1815.

26 William Rathbone VI to Rathbone Brothers, February 2, 1849, RP/ XXIV.2.4, File of Correspondence, Letters from William Rathbone VI while in America, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; The Liverpool Chronicle is quoted in Bremer Handelsblatt 93 (1853): 6.

27 This whole story is developed in John Casper Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil: The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation, Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Goverment Printing Office, 1885), 25–27, and Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 7, 9, 65; Eugene W. Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia During the Empire,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 15, no. 3 (August 1973): 343; Gray, History of Agriculture , 694; see also Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 55; Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 193.

28 At 400 pounds to the bale. The numbers are from Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom , 129.

29 Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth , 7–10.

30 Bonnie Martin, “Slavery’s Invisible Engine: Mortgaging Human Property,” Journal of Southern History 76, no. 4 (November 2010): 840–41.

31 C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 103, 122; on the various origins of American cotton see also Whitemarsh B. Seabrook, A Memoir of the Origin, Cultivation and Uses of Cotton (Charleston, SC: Miller & Browne, 1844), 15; John H. Moore, “Cotton Breeding in the Old South,” Agricultural History 30 (1956): 97; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom , 35; Gray, History of Agriculture , 691.

32 American Cotton Planter 2 (May 1854): 160.

33 W. E. B. DuBois, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America (New York: General Books LLC, 2009), 140; Edgar T. Thompson, Plantation Societies, Race Relations, and the South: The Regimentation of Population: Selected Papers of Edgar T. Thompson (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1975), 217; Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, “Slave Productivity on Cotton Production by Gender, Age, Season, and Scale,” accessed June 11, 2012, www.iga.ucdavis.edu/Research/all-uc/conferences/spring-2010 ; Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery,” 36.

34 Caitlin C. Rosenthal, “Slavery’s Scientific Management: Accounting for Mastery,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming, 2015); Frederick Law Olmstead, A Journey in the Back Country (Williamstown, MA: Corner House, 1972), 153–54, originally published in 1860; Bill Cooke, “The Denial of Slavery in Management Studies,” Journal of Management Studies 40 (December 2003): 1913. The importance of “biological innovation” has been shown most recently by Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, “Biological Innovation and Productivity Growth in the Antebellum Cotton Economy,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 14142, June 2008; Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, Biological Innovation and American Agricultural Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). It has also been effectively critiqued by Edward Baptist, “The Whipping-Machine” (unpublished paper, Conference on Slavery and Capitalism, Brown and Harvard Universities, March 10, 2011, in author’s possession). For the importance of falling prices to gaining dominance in markets, see Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” Center for Economic Policy Research (April 12, 2005), accessed December 12, 2012, www.cepr.org/meets/wkcn/1/1626/papers/Broadberry.pdf .

35 See for this argument Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 335; for the concept of social metabolism see the work of Juan Martinez Alier, for example Juan Martinez Alier and Inge Ropke, eds., Recent Developments in Ecological Economics (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008); see also Dale W. Tomich, Through the Prism of Slavery (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004), 61.

36 Gray, History of Agriculture , 688; Eugene Genovese, “Cotton, Slavery and Soil Exhaustion in the Old South,” Cotton History Review 2 (1961): 3–17; on the prices of slaves see Adam Rothman, “The Domestic Slave Trade in America: The Lifeblood of the Southern Slave System,” in Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle , 95; on Clay see Savannah Unit Georgia Writers’ Project, Work Projects Administration in Georgia, “The Plantation of the Royal Vale,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 27 (March 1943): 97–99.

37 Samuel Dubose and Frederick A. Porcher, A Contribution to the History of the Huguenots of South Carolina (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1887), 19, 21; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade , 91; Coclanis and Ford, “The South Carolina Economy Reconstructed and Reconsidered,” 97; Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth , 10; Daniel W. Jordan to Emily Jordan, Plymouth, August 3, 1833, in Daniel W. Jordan Papers, Special Collections Department, Perkins Library, Duke University.

38 Philo-Colonus, A Letter to S. Perceval on the Expediency of Imposing a Duty on Cotton Wool of Foreign Growth, Imported into Great Britain (London: J. Cawthorn, 1812), 9; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1927), 16; Planters’ and Merchants’ Resolution Concerning Import of Cotton Wool from the United States, 1813, in Official Papers of First Earl of Liverpool, Add. Mss. 38252, f. 78, Liverpool Papers, Manuscript Collections, British Library; John Gladstone, Letters Addressed to the Right Honourable The Earl of Clancarty, President of the Board of Trade, on the Inexpediency of Permitting the Importation of Cotton Wool from the United States During the Present War (London: J. M. Richardson, 1813), 7. 仅在印度西部，1850年就有400万英亩的土地用于种植棉花，而在印度其他地区，种植棉花的土地还要更多。1850年，美国大约有700万英亩的土地用于种植棉花。Amalendu Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India: 1750–1850,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 9 (January 1972): 25.

39 U.S. Treasury Department Report, 1836, p. 16, as quoted in Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil,” 150; see also Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 15. For the importance of the Industrial Revolution to slavery’s dynamic in the United States, see also Barbara Jeanne Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture: The New South in a Bourgeois World,” in Thavolia Glymph, ed., Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 77; Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South , 13; Scherer, Cotton as a World Power , 150; The Proceedings of the Agricultural Convention of the State Agricultural Society of South Carolina: From 1839 to 1845—Inclusive (Columbia, SC: Summer & Carroll, 1846), 322; Rohit T. Aggarwala, “Domestic Networks as a Basis for New York City’s Rise to Pre-eminence, 1780–1812” (unpublished paper presented at the Business History Conference, Le Creusot, France, June 19, 2004), 21; Michael Hovland, “The Cotton Ginnings Reports Program at the Bureau of the Census,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 147; Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy , 2.

40 Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft , viii; Organization of the Cotton Power: Communication of the President (Macon, GA: Lewis B. Andrews Book and Job Printer, 1858), 7; American Cotton Planter 1 (January 1853): 11.

41 在研究美国南方的历史学家中，南方种植园经济在全球经济中的重要性往往被忽视。See Immanuel Wallerstein, “American Slavery and the Capitalist World-Economy,” American Journal of Sociology 81 (March 1976): 1208; Francis Carnac Brown, Free Trade and the Cotton Question with Reference to India (London: Effingham Wilson, 1848), 43; Copy of a Memorial Respecting the Levant Trade to the Right Honourable the Board of Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, as copied in Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, meeting of February 9, 1825, in M8/2/1, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–27, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; The Proceedings of the Agricultural Convention of the State Agricultural Society of South Carolina , 323.

42 Letter by [illegible] to “My Dear Sir” (a former president of the Board of Trade), Liverpool, June 16, 1828, in Document f255, Huskisson Papers, Manuscript Collections, British Library, London; “Memorial of the Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures Established by Royal Charter in the City of Glasgow, 15 December 1838,” in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton (Calcutta: G. H. Huttmann, 1839), 6, 8; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope; Or, Remarks Upon our Supply of Cotton (Manchester: J. Clarke, 1844), 13; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 56; Mac Culloch, as quoted in Bremer Handelsblatt 1 (1851): 5.

43 A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope , 5; J. G. Collins, An Essay in Favour of the Colonialization of the North and North-West Provinces of India, with Regard to the Question of Increased Cotton Supply and Its Bearing on the Slave Trade (London: W. H. Allen & Co., n.d., c. 1859), 35; John Gunn Collins, Scinde & The Punjab: The Gems of India in Respect to Their Past and Unparalleled Capabilities of Supplanting the Slave States of America in the Cotton Markets of the World, or, An Appeal to the English Nation on Behalf of Its Great Cotton Interest, Threatened with Inadequate Supplies of the Raw Material (Manchester: A. Ireland, 1858), 10; these arguments are also summarized in Bremer Handelsblatt , August 8, 1857, 281.

44 Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, Liverpool, October 22, 1835, in HC3.35,2, House Correspondence, ING Baring Archive, London; for that issue see also Schoen, The Fragile Fabric of Union , 1–10.

45 A Cotton Spinner, The Safety of Britain and the Suppression of Slavery: A Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel on the Importance of an Improved Supply of Cotton from India (London: Simpkin, Marshall, 1845), 3, 4; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope , 6; Brown, Free Trade and the Cotton Question , 44; Collins, Scinde & The Punjab , 5; Anonymous, The Cotton Trade of India: Quaere: Can India Not Supply England with Cotton? (London: Spottiswoode, 1839); Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India (London: Harrison & Co., 1840); John Forbes Royle, Essay on the Productive Resources of India (London: Wm. H. Allen, 1840); Tench Coxe to Robert Livingston, June 10, 1802, in Papers of Tench Coxe, Correspondence and General Papers, June 1802, Film A 201, reel 74, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

46 See, for example, Ministère de la Marine et des Colonies to the Secrétaire d’état de l’Intérieur, Paris, January 27, 1819; Société d’Encouragement pour l’Industrie Nationale to Secrétaire d’état de l’Intérieur, Paris, October 17, 1821, in F12–2196, “Machine à égrainer le coton,” Archives Nationales, Paris; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope , 15; An Indian Civil Servant, Usurers and Ryots, Being an Answer to the Question “Why Does Not India Produce More Cotton?” (London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1856); Collins, Scinde & The Punjab , 5; Anonymous, The Cotton Trade of India ; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India ; Royle, Essay on the Productive Resources of India , 314; J. Chapman, The Cotton and Commerce of India (London: John Chapman, 1851).

47 See, for example, Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India , House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers, 1847–48, vol. IX; The Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1836 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1837), 13; The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1856 (Manchester: James Collins, 1857), 34; The Seventeenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1836 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1838), 17; Resolution Passed at the Meeting of the Board of Directors, Manchester Commercial Association, November 13, 1845, M8, 7/1, Manchester Commercial Association Papers, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester. For further pressure see Copy of Letter of John Peel, Manchester Commercial Association, to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company, Manchester, March 1, 1848, in Home Department, Revenue Branch, October 28, 1849, Nos. 3/4, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Thomas Bazley to Thomas Baring, Manchester, September 9, 1857, in House Correspondence, NP 6.3.1., Thomas Bazley, ING Baring Archive, London.

48 Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), 58; “Memorial of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, dated December 1838,” and “Memorial of the Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures Established by Royal Charter in the City of Glasgow, 15 December 1838,” in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton , 6, 8, 10; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 62; Karl Marx, Karl Marx on Colonialism and Modernization (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday, 1968), 100–101.

49 Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton , 61.

50 The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors , 13, 31–45; The Thirty-Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1858 (Manchester: James Collins, 1859), 14–43; The Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1857 (Manchester: James Collins, 1858), 11–12. For the Manchester Cotton Supply Association see Cotton Supply Association, Report of an Important Meeting Held at Manchester May 21, 1857 (Manchester: Galt, Kerruish, & Kirby, 1857), 2.

51 See for example Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India , House of Commons, iii; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register , New Series, 30 (September–December 1839): 304; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 65; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India , 17; Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India,” 2.

52 Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton , 31, 34; Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India,” 5, 33; Frederic Wakeman Jr., “The Canton Trade and the Opium War,” in John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China , vol. 10, part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 171. In the mid-1840s exports from Bombay to China amounted to about 40 million pounds; De Bow’s Review 1 (April 1846), pp. 295–96. See also Sucheta Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China: Peasants, Technology and the World Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 105–6.

53 See the assessment of the Calcutta Review : “Bombay Cottons and Indian Railways,” Calcutta Review 26 (June 1850): 331; M. L. Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton (Bombay: East India Cotton Association, 1947), 45–46; see also K. L. Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat: A Study of Exotic Seed and Saw Gins, 1800–50,” Indian Historical Review 17, nos. 1–3 (1990–91): 136–51; J. G. Medicott, Cotton Hand-Book for Bengal (Calcutta: Savielle & Cranenburgh, 1862), 296; “Cotton in Southern Mahratta Country, Agency for the Purchase of Cotton Established,” Compilations Vol. 27/355, 1831, Compilation No. 395, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Minute by the Vice President, Metcalfe, March 3, 1831, in Revenue Department, Revenue Branch, “A,” July 1831, No. 69/74, Part B, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Home Department, Revenue Branch, G.G., August 1839, No. 1/4, in National Archives of India; Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton , 74; on various other measures taken by the company to improve and increase Indian cotton exports see J. Forbes Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India and Elsewhere: With an Account of the Experiments Made by the Hon. East India Company Up to the Present Time (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1851), 86–90.

54 See for example Territorial Department, Revenue—Cotton to Thomas Williamson, Secretary to Government, June 21, 1830, in 43/324/1830, Compilations, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; “Abstract of the Replies of Local Authorities to the Board’s Circular of 21st February 1848 Calling for Certain Information Relative to the Cultivation of Cotton in India and Required by the Honourable Court of Directors,” in Home Department, Revenue Branch, December 2, 1848, Nos. 10–18, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; see also “Prospects of Cotton Cultivation in the Saugor and Narbadda Territories in the Nizam’s Dominions,” August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, National Archives of India; “Capabilities of the Bombay Presidency for Supplying Cotton in the Event of an Increased Demand from Europe,” March 1, 1850, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India; Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 6/413, 1832, Compilation No. 62, Cotton Experimental Farm, Guzerat, Maharashtra State Archives; Compilations Vol. 10/478, 1833, Compilation No. 5, Cotton Experimental Farm, Guzerat, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register , New Series, 21 (September–December 1836): 220, 22 (January–April 1837): 234, and 38 (1842): 371; Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat”: 137; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India , 15.

55 See for example “Cotton Cultivation Under the Superintendence of the American Cotton Planters in N.W. Provinces, Bombay and Madras,” January 17, 1842, No. 13–17, Revenue Department, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; John MacFarquhar to East India Company, New Orleans, January 13, 1842, W. W. Wood to East India Company, New Orleans, June 10, 1842, Two Letters dated 13 January and 10 June to the Directors of the East India Company, MSS EUR C157, in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Home Department, Revenue Branch, G.G., August 1839, No. 1/4, in National Archives of India; see also Resolution dated September 21, 1841, by the Revenue Branch of the Government of India, Revenue Department, Revenue Branch, 21st September 1840, No. 1/3, National Archives of India; Letter by [illegible] to T. H. Maddok, Territorial Department Revenue, Bombay, 10 February 1842, in Revenue and Agriculture Department, Revenue Branch, February 28, 1842, Nos. 2–5, National Archives of India; Medicott, Cotton Hand-Book for Bengal , 305; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register , New Series, 36 (September–December 1841): 343.

56 Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton , 37–39; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register , New Series, 35 (May–August 1841): 502; copy of letter from C. W. Martin, Superintendent Cotton Farm in Gujerat, Broach, November 1830 to William Stubbs, Esq., Principal Collector, Surat, in Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Gibbs, Broach, October 5, 1831, to Thomas Williamson, Esq., secretary of Government, in Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register , New Series, 39 (1842): 106; letter by [illegible] to T. H. Maddok, Territorial Department Revenue, Bombay, 10 February 1842, in Revenue and Agriculture Department, Revenue Branch, February 28, 1842, Nos. 2–5, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 5.

57 Medicott, Cotton Hand-Book for Bengal , 320, 322, 323, 331, 340, 352, 366.

58 Annual Report of the Transactions of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41 (Bombay: Bombay Times and Journal of Commerce Press, 1841), 112–19; copy of a letter of John Peel, Manchester Commercial Association, to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company, London, March 1, 1848, in Manchester Commercial Association, October 18, 1848, No. 3–4, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India , 4.

59 East-India Company, Reports and Documents Connected with the Proceedings of the East-India Company in Regard to the Culture and Manufacture of Cotton-Wool, Raw Silk, and Indigo in India (London: East-India Company, 1836); reprinted letter of W. W. Bell, Collector’s Office, Dharwar, 10 January 1850 to H. E. Goldsmid, Secretary of Government, Bombay, reprinted in Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1849–50 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1850), 26; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41 , 104.

60 Ellison, The Cotton Trade , 99; Revenue Department No. 4 of 1839, Reprinted in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton , 1, consulted in Asiatic Society of Bombay Library, Mumbai; Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1859/60 (Bombay: Bombay Gazette Press, 1860), xxviii.

61 Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 70; C. W. Grant, Bombay Cotton and Indian Railways (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longman, 1850), 9.

62 Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat”; “Replies to the Queries Proposed by the Government of India, given by [illegible] Viccajee, Regarding the Cotton Trade in the Nizam’s Country,” Home Department, Revenue Branch, August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, p. 167, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report from Kaira Collector to Revenue Department, Neriad, March 22, 1823, Compilations Vol. 8/60, 1823, in Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

63 Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat,” 147, 151; Letter of Chartles Lurh (?), in charge of experimental cotton farm in Dharwar, February 21, 1831, to Thomas Williamson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, in Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India , House of Commons, 5; Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat”; Letter by J. P. Simson, Secretary to Government, The Warehousekeeper and Commercial Account, Bombay Castle, 18 May 1820, Compilations Vol. 4, 1821, Commercial Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

64 关于本地商人如何把棉花从种植者那里运到市场上的详情，见：Cotton Trade in Bombay, 1811, in Despatches to Bombay, E4/1027, pp. 135–47, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. See also Marika Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community, 1850 to 1880,” in Economy and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1979), 63–196; Marika Vicziany, The Cotton Trade and the Commercial Development of Bombay, 1855–75 (London: University of London Press, 1975), especially 170–71; Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton , 37; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41 , 111; Letter from [illegible], Commercial Resident Office, Broach, January 6, 1825, to Gilbert More, Acting Secretary of Government, Bombay, in Compilations Vol. 26, 1825, “Consultation Cotton Investment,” Commercial Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Report from Kaira Collector to Revenue Department, Neriad, March 22, 1823, in Compilations Vol. 8/60, 1823, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives.

65 Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 7; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India , 4; Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1849–50 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1850), 7; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41 , 110–11; Captain M. Taylor to Colonel Low, Reports on District of Sharapoor, Sharapoor, June 23, 1848, in “Prospects of Cotton Cultivation in the Saugor and Narbadda Territories in the Nizam’s Dominions,” August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India , House of Commons, v.

66 Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41 , 104, 107; Copy of letter from C. W. Martin, Superintendent Cotton Farm in Gujerat, Broach, November 1830 to William Stubbs, Esq., Principal Collector, Surat, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, in Maharahstra State Archives, Mumbai. See also Martin to Stubbs, 1st October 1831, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

67 Peely, Acting Commercial Resident, Northern Factories, July 21, 1831, to Charles Norris, Esq., Civil Secretary to Government, Bombay, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India , 13; Letter by H. A. Harrison, 1st Assistant Collector, Ootacmund, October 14, 1832, to L. R. Reid, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, Compilations Vol. 7/412, 1832, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; “Cotton Farms, Proceedings respecting the formation of ________ in the Vicinity of Jails,” Compilation No. 118, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; copy of letter of T. H. Balier (?), Collector, Dharwar, 19th August 1825 to William Chaplin, Esq., Commissioner, Poona, in Compilations Vol. 26, 1835, “Consultation Cotton Investment,” in Commercial Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; long discussions on slavery in India can be found in Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register , New Series, 15 (September–December 1834): 81–90. See also Factory Records, Dacca, G 15, 21 (1779), Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

68 Copy of letter from J. Dunbar, Commissioner of Dacca, to Sudder, Board of Revenue, September 27, 1848, in Home Department, Revenue Branch, December 2, 1848, Nos. 10–18, in National Archives of India, New Delhi.

69 E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 12; George R. Gliddon, A Memoir on the Cotton of Egypt (London: James Madden & Co., 1841), 11.

70 Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 28–29, 32, 47; Gliddon, A Memoir on the Cotton of Egypt ; “Commerce of Egypt,” in Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 8 (January 1843): 17; John Bowring, “Report on Egypt and Candia,” in Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, 1840, vol. XXI, 19; Christos Hadziiossifm, “La Colonie Grecque en Egypte, 1833–1836” (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 1980), 111; John Bowring, “Report on Egypt and Candia (1840),” cited in Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 318.

71 Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 36–37, 40.

72 The graph on page 133 is based on information from “Commerce of Egypt,” 22; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 34; Table 1, “Volume, Value, and Price of Egyptian Cotton Exports, 1821–1837,” 45; Table 5, “Volume, Value, and Price of Egyptian Cotton Exports, 1838–1859,” 73.

73 From about 1823 to 1840. Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace: étude de sociologie descriptive (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 58; copy of a Memorial Respecting the Levant Trade to the Right Honourable The Board of Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, as copied in Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, meeting of February 9, 1825, in M8/2/1, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–27, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester.

74 Bremer Handelsblatt (1853), as quoted in Ludwig Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt: Kleine Bremer Baumwollchronik, 1788–1872 (Bremen: Verlag Franz Leuwer, 1934), 25; Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism,” 327.

75 Ellison, The Cotton Trade , 96.

76 Albert Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China, 1871–1910,” Journal of Economic History 30 (June 1970): 340; Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 4–13; Robert Fortune, Three Years’ Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China, Including a Visit to the Tea, Silk, and Cotton Countries, With an Account of the Agriculture and Horticulture of the Chinese, New Plants, etc. (London: John Murray, 1847), 272–73; Koh Sung Jae, Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History of the Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China and Korea (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966), 28, 38, 45; William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai Cotton Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 59, 117–20; Hameeda Hossain, The Company of Weavers of Bengal: The East India Company and the Organization of Textile Production in Bengal, 1750–1813 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988), 28.

77 Kären Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery, 1750–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Tench Coxe, An Addition, of December 1818, to the Memoir, of February and August 1817, on the Subject of the Cotton Culture, the Cotton Commerce, and the Cotton Manufacture of the United States, etc. (Philadelphia: n.p., 1818), 3; “Extracts and Abstract of a letter from W. Dunbar, Officiating Commissioner of Revenue in the Dacca Division, to Lord B. of [illegible], dated Dacca, May 2, 1844,” in MSS EUR F 78, 44, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

第6章　工业资本主义起飞

1 For biographical information on Burke see National Cyclopaedia of American Biography , vol. 20 (New York: James T. White, 1929), 79. For Baranda see “Pedro Sainz de Baranda,” in Enciclopedia Yucatanense , vol. 7 (Ciudad de Mexico, D.F.: Edición oficial del Gobierno de Yucatan, 1977), 51–67; John L. Stevens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan , vol. 2 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1843), 329.

2 Stevens, Incidents , 330; Howard F. Cline, “The ‘Aurora Yucateca’ and the Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan, 1821–1847,” Hispanic American Historical Review 27, no. 1 (February 1947): 39–44; Enciclopedia Yucatanense , vol. 7, 61–62. See also Othón Baños Ramírez, Sociedad, estructura agraria, estado en Yucatán (Mérida: Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, 1990), 24.

3 Gisela Müller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Wiesentäler Textilindustrie bis zum Jahre 1945” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1965), 35, 36; Richard Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung des Wiesentales bis zum Jahre 1870” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1937), 16, 18, 30, 34, 37; Walter Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft im Rahmen der übrigen Industrien und Wirtschaftszweige (Zürich: Verlag Berichthaus, 1960), 226.

4 Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung,” 18, 20, 21, 34, 47, 48, 61, 76; Friedrich Deher, Staufen und der obere Breisgau: Chronik einer Landschaft (Karlsruhe: Verlag G. Braun, 1967), 191–92; Eberhard Gothein, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Schwarzwaldes und der angrenzenden Landschaften (Strassburg: Karl J. Truebner, 1892), 754; Müller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung,” 33, 47; Hugo Ott, “Der Schwarzwald: Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung seit dem ausgehenden 18. Jahrhundert,” in Franz Quarthal, ed., Zwischen Schwarzwald und Schwäbischer Alb: Das Land am oberen Neckar (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1984), 399.

5 Arthur L. Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860,” Economic History Review 1, no. 2 (January 1928): 282; Gerhard Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands und der westlichen Nachbarländer beim übergang von der vorindustriellen zur frühindustriellen Zeit, 1750–1815 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2001), 76; R. M. R. Dehn, The German Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913), 3; J. K. J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization: Cotton in Barcelona, 1728–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 248; J. Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent During the French Regime,” in F. Crouzet, W. H. Chaloner, and W. M. Stern, eds., Essays in European Economic History, 1789–1914 (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), 18; Georg Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer bezw. sächsischen Baumwollspinnerei von 1789–1879” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1914), 19; Rudolf Forberger, Die industrielle Revolution in Sachsen 1800–1861, Bd. 1, zweiter Halbband: Die Revolution der Produktivkräfte in Sachsen 1800–1830. übersichten zur Fabrikentwicklung (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1982), 14; Albert Tanner, “The Cotton Industry of Eastern Switzerland, 1750–1914: From Proto-industry to Factory and Cottage Industry,” Textile History 23, no. 2 (1992): 139; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 144; E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 23–24.

6 On concerns among British manufacturers about this spread, see The Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1836 Made to the Annual General Meeting of the Members, held February 13th 1837 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1837), 13.

7 Sydney Pollard 正确地强调工业化在这一点时（在铁路之前）不是国家发展，而是区域发展；欧洲有工业化地区（例如加泰罗尼亚）。Sydney Pollard, Peaceful Conquest: The Industrialization of Europe, 1760–1970 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); see also Joel Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 1795–1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 26, 28.

8 Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahr-hundert: Eine historische Modellstudie zur empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 30, 41; Francisco Mariano Nipho, Estafeta de Londres (Madrid: n.p., 1770), 44, as quoted in Pierre Vilar, La Catalogne dans l’Espagne moderne: Recherches sur le fondements économiques des structures nationales , vol. 2 (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1962), 10; Pavel A. Khromov, ékonomika Rossii Perioda Promyshlennogo Kapitalizma (Moscow: 1963), 80; Howard F. Cline, “Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” in Lewis Hanke, ed., History of Latin American Civilization , vol. 2 (London: Methuen, 1969), 133; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 153; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 288; B. M. Biucchi, “Switzerland, 1700–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe , vol. 4, part 2 (Glasgow: Collins, 1977), 634; Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1912), 87, 89; United States Census Bureau, Manufactures of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census under the Direction of the Secretary of the Interior (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1865), xvii; Ronald Bailey, “The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England,” in Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992), 221.

9 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 281.

10 Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent,” 15; Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes,” 33; Max Hamburger, “Standortgeschichte der deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1911), 19; Wallace Daniel, “Entrepreneurship and the Russian Textile Industry: From Peter the Great to Catherine the Great,” Russian Review 54, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–25; Lévy, Histoire économique , 1ff.; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 181–203.

11 Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 16, 54; Maurice Lévy Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l’industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: [Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Paris], 1964); Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent,” 16; William L. Blackwell, The Beginnings of Russian Industrialization, 1800–1860 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968), 44; M. V. Konotopov et al. Istoriia otechestvennoǐ tekstil’ noi promyshlennosti (Moscow, 1992), 94, 96. This process is also detailed for Alsace in Raymond Oberlé, “La siècle des lumières et les débuts de l’industrialisation,” in George Livet and Raymond Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse des origines à nos jours (Strasbourg: Istra, 1977), 127; Paul Leuilliot, “L’essor économique du XIXe siècle et les transformations de la cité,” in Livet and Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse , 182.

12 For the concept of proto-industrialization see P. Kriedte, H. Medick, and J. Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization: Rural Industry in the Genesis of Capitalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 17–18; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 13.

13 Albert Tanner, Spulen, Weben, Sticken: Die Industrialisierung in Appenzell Ausserrhoden (Zürich: Juris Druck, 1982), 8, 19; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizer-ischen Textilwirtschaft , 231; John Bowring, Bericht an das Englische Parlament über den Handel, die Fabriken und Gewerbe der Schweiz (Zürich: Orell, Fuessli und Compa-gnie, 1837), 37.

14 Shepard B. Clough, The Economic History of Modern Italy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), 62; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 12; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 49. On the obrajes see the important work by Richard J. Salvucci, Textiles and Capitalism in Mexico: An Economic History of the Obrajes, 1539–1840 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987); Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 34.

15 Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 18.

16 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 279, 339; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 208; Lévy, Histoire économique , 1ff., 14–52; Roger Portal, “Muscovite Industrialists: The Cotton Sector, 1861–1914,” in Blackwell, ed., Russian Economic Development , 174.

17 Barbara M. Tucker, Samuel Slater and the Origins of the American Textile Industry, 1790–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984), 52, 97.

18 William Holmes to James Holmes, Kingston, March 10, 1813, in Folder 49, John Holmes Papers, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library, New York.

19 Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 32; Enciclopedia Yucatanense , vol. 7, 62. On the annual wages of skilled workers see Michael P. Costeloe, The Central Republic in Mexico, 1835–1846: Hombres de Bien in the Age of Santa Anna (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 108. Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace , 328, 330, 340.

20 Robert F. Dalzell, Enterprising Elite: The Boston Associates and the World They Made (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 27. The exchange rate is taken from Patrick Kelly, The Universal Cambist and Commercial Instructor: Being a General Treatise on Exchange, Including Monies, Coins, Weights and Measures of All Trading Nations and Their Colonies , vol. 1 (London: Lackington, Allen, and Co. [et al.], 1811), 12; Thomas Dublin, “Rural Putting-Out Work in Early Nineteenth-Century New England: Women and the Transition to Capitalism in the Countryside,” New England Quarterly 64, no. 4 (December 1, 1991): 536–37. See the analysis of ex-slaves’ narratives at “Ex-Slave Narratives: Lowell Cloth,” accessed August 12, 2013, http://library.uml.edu/clh/All/Lowcl.htm ; Pierre Gervais, “The Cotton ‘Factory’ in a Pre-industrial Economy: An Exploration of the Boston Manufacturing Company, 1815–1820” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession, 2003), 3; Peter Temin, “Product Quality and Vertical Integration in the Early Cotton Textile Industry,” Journal of Economic History 48, no. 4 (December 1988): 897; Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68, no. 2 (Spring 1994): 45, 49.

21 Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace , 335–38; Heinrich Herkner, Die oberelsäss-ische Baumwollindustrie und ihre Arbeiter (Strassburg: K. J. Trübner, 1887), 92; Pierre-Alain Wavre, “Swiss Investments in Italy from the XVIIIth to the XXth Century,” Journal of European Economic History 17, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 86–87; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 7, 117; Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 225, 244.

22 M. L. Gavlin, Iz istorii rossiǐskogo predprinimatel’stva: dinastiia Knopov: nauchno-analiticheskiǐ obzor (Moscow: INION AN SSSR, 1995), 12, 14, 16, 19, 21, 29ff., 36; Blackwell, The Beginnings , 241.

23 Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace , 388; Paulette Teissonniere-Jestin, “Itinéraire social d’une grande famille mulhousienne: Les Schlumberger de 1830 à 1930” (PhD dissertation, University of Limoges, 1982), 129, 149; Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse 1 (1828); Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse 2 (1829); Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse 22 (1832): 113–36; David Allen Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 1830–1945 (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 49.

24 Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 67.

25 Wright Armitage to Enoch Armitage, Dukinfield, April 16, 1817, in Armitage Papers, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library, New York; see also the letters in the Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, record group MCK, box 2/1/1; Letterbook, 1805–1810, box 2/2/3; Letterbook, May 1814 to September 1816, box 2/2/5; Consignments Book, 1809–1829, box 3/3/11; Buchanan, Mann & Co. to McConnel & Kennedy, Calcutta, November 3, 1824, box 2/1/30, all in Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester; William Radcliffe, Origin of the New System of Manufacture Commonly Called “Power-loom Weaving” and the Purposes for which this System was Invented and Brought into Use (Stockport: J. Lomax, 1828), 131. Analysis of all correspondence of McConnel & Kennedy for the year 1825 in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, Record Group MCK/2, John Rylands Library, Manchester; D. A. Farnie, John Rylands of Manchester (Manchester: John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 1993), 5, 10, 13. See also Memorial Book for John Rylands, 1888, Manchester, Record Group JRL/2/2, Archive of Rylands & Sons Ltd, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

26 Yarn Delivery Book, 1836–38, record group MCK, box 3/3/12, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Stanley Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain: From the Industrial Revolution to World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 62, 69ff., 92, 109, 113, 133, 136, 139, 164, 168, 173, 176; Bill Williams, The Making of Manchester Jewry, 1740–1875 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 81. Farnie, John Rylands , 4; British Packet and Argentine News , February 9, 1850, August 3, 1850; Vera Blinn Reber, British Mercantile Houses in Buenos Aires, 1810–1880 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 58, 59; Carlos Newland, “Exports and Terms of Trade in Argentina, 1811–1870,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17, no. 3 (1998): 409–16; D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade, 1806–1914 (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1972), 15, 39; H. S. Ferns, “Investment and Trade Between Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century,” Economic History Review , New Series, 3, no. 2 (1950): 207, 210; Blankenhagen & Gethen to Hugh Dallas, London, November 18, 1818, file 003/1–1/24, Dallas Papers, in Banco de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Archivo y Museo Históricos, Buenos Aires. See also R. F. Alexander to Hugh Dallas, Glasgow, March 19, 1819, in ibid. Some merchants also wrote to Dallas and asked him if he would accept consignments from them; see for example Baggott y Par to Hugh Dallas, Liverpool, April 2, 1821, in ibid., file 003/1–1/13; King & Morrison to Hugh Dallas, Glasgow, April 25, 1819, in Blankenhagen & Gethen to Hugh Dallas, London, November 18, 1818, in ibid.

27 D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade , 39, 42, 51; Eugene W. Ridings, “Business Associationalism, the Legitimation of Enterprise, and the Emergence of a Business Elite in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Business History Review 63, no. 4 (Winter 1989): 758; Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 8–9, 14.

28 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 231, 276, 281; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 58; Dehn, The German Cotton Industry , 3.

29 See Warren C. Scoville, “Spread of Techniques: Minority Migrations and the Diffusion of Technology,” Journal of Economic History 11, no. 4 (1951): 347–60; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 72; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 283; Jack A. Goldstone, “Gender, Work, and Culture: Why the Industrial Revolution Came Early to England but Late to China,” Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (Spring 1996): 2.

30 W. O. Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe, 1750–1870: Studies in British Influence on the Industrial Revolution in Western Europe (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1954), 4, 7, 102, 267; Kristine Bruland, British Technology and European Industrialization: The Norwegian Textile Industry in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 3, 14; David J. Jeremy, Damming the Flood: British Government Efforts to Check the Outflow of Technicians and Machinery, 1780–1843 (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1977), 32–33; Jan Dhont and Marinette Bruwier, “The Low Countries, 1700–1914,” in Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe , vol. 4, part 1, 348; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 77, 127; David J. Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution: The Diffusion of Textile Technology Between Britain and America, 1790–1830 (North Andover and Cambridge, MA: Merrimack Valley Textile Museum/MIT Press, 1981), 17; David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 148; Rondo Cameron, “The Diffusion of Technology as a Problem in Economic History,” Economic Geography 51, no. 3 (July 1975): 221; John Macgregor, The Commercial and Financial Legislation of Europe and North America (London: Henry Hooper, 1841), 290.

31 Dominique Barjot, “Les entrepreneurs de Normandie, du Maine et de l’Anjou à l’époque du Second Empire,” Annales de Normandie 38, no. 2–3 (May–July 1988): 99–103; Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe , 12, 28; Paul Leuilliot, “L’essor économique du XIXe siècle et les transformations de la cité,” in Livet and Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse , 184. See Camille Koechlin, Cahier des notes faites en Angleterre 1831, 667 Ko 22 I, Collection Koechlin, Bibliothèque, Musée de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France.

32 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 276–77; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 249; Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe , 142, 194–95; Andrea Komlosy, “Austria and Czechoslovakia: The Habsburg Monarchy and Its Successor States,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 53.

33 Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 108, 109, 237; Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution , 5, 6, 77, 78; Dalzell, Enterprising Elite ; Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution , 41; Bruland, British Technology , 18.

34 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 278; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 25; Cameron, “The Diffusion of Technology,” 220; Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace , 366–70, 403ff.; Bernard Volger and Michel Hau, Historie économique de l’Alsace: Croissance, crises, innovations: Vingt siècles de dévelopement régional (Strasbourg: éditions la nuée bleue, 1997), 146ff.; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 424; J. K. J. Thomson, “Explaining the ‘Take-off’ of the Catalan Cotton Industry,” Economic History Review 58, no. 4 (November 2005): 727; Letter of Delegates of the Junta de Comercio, legajo 23, no. 21, fos. 6–11, Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona; Herkner, Die oberelsässische Baumwollindustrie , 72ff.; Melvin T. Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry of the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1917), 9, 69, 70.

35 Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries , 39; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 89–90; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 21; Konotopov et al., Istoriia , 79, 92; Lars K. Christensen, “Denmark: The Textile Industry and the Forming of Modern Industry,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 144; Alexander Hamilton, “Report on the Subject of Manufactures, December 5, 1971,” in Alexander Hamilton, Writings (New York: Library of America, 2001), 647–734; Samuel Rezneck, “The Rise and Early Development of Industrial Consciousness in the United States, 1760–1830,” Journal of Economic and Business History 4 (1932): 784–811; Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 41.

36 Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 67; Herkner, Die oberelsässische Baumwollindustrie , 92, 95; Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace , 209ff.; Oberlé, “La siècle des lumières,” 164; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 23, 28, 37, 68.

37 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 278; Tanner, Spulen, Weben, Sticken , 24, 33, 44.

38 Douglas A. Irwin and Peter Temin, “The Antebellum Tariff on Cotton Textiles Revisited,” Journal of Economic History 61, no. 3 (September 2001): 795; U. S. Department of the Treasury, Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, “Cultivation, Manufacture and Foreign Trade of Cotton,” March 4, 1836, Doc. No. 146, Treasury Department, House of Representatives, 24th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, DC: Blaire & Rives, Printers, 1836); Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution , 96; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 46.

39 Wright Armitage to Rev. Benjamin Goodier, Dunkinfield, March 2, 1817, in Box 1, Armitage Family Papers, Special Collections, New York Public Library, New York.

40 Temin, “Product Quality,” 898; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 281; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 43; United States Department of State, Report in the Commercial Relations of the United States with Foreign Nations: Comparative Tariffs; Tabular Statements of the Domestic Exports of the United States; Duties on Importation of the Staple or Principal Production of the United States into Foreign Countries (Washington, DC: Gales and Seaton, 1842), 534–35.

41 Paul Leuilliot, “L’essor économique du XIXe siècle et les transformations de la cité,” in Livet and Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse , 190; Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung,” 56–57; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 47, 51–52. For the importance of tariffs see also R. Dehn, The German Cotton Industry , 4; Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum,” 185; Friedrich List, National System of Political Economy (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1904), 169; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 455. 还有许多其他国家征收高额进口税; for a survey see United States Department of State, Report in the Commercial Relations of the United States with Foreign Nations , 534–35.

42 Temin, “Product Quality,” 897, 898; Irwin and Temin, “The Antebellum Tariff,” 780–89, 796. The 84 percent number (which is probably not entirely accurate) is taken from Hannah Josephson, The Golden Threads: New England Mill Girls and Magnates (New York: Russell & Russell, 1949), 30. For the role of the “Boston Associates” in the import of Indian cottons, see James Fichter, “Indian Textiles and American Industrialization, 1790–1820” (unpublished paper, GEHN Conference, University of Padua, November 17–19, 2005, in author’s possession).

43 Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 14, 16, 31, 35, 39, 43, 45, 48, 55; Rafael Dobado Gonzáles, Aurora Gómez Galvarriato, and Jefferey G. Williamson, “Globalization, De-industrialization and Mexican Exceptionalism, 1750–1879,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 12316, June 2006, 5, 12, 13, 15, 35, 36, 40; see also Colin M. Lewis, “Cotton Textiles and Labour-Intensive Industrialization Since 1825” (unpublished paper, Global Economic History Network Conference, Osaka, December 16–18, 2004, in author’s possession); Esteban de Antuñano, Memoria breve de la industria manufacturera de México, desde el año de 1821 hasta el presente (Puebla: Oficina del Hospital de S. Pedro, 1835); Esteban de Antuñano to Señor D. Carlos Bustamente, Puebla, December 4, 1836, as reprinted in Esteban de Antuñano, Breve memoria del estado que guarda la fabrica de hildaos de algodon Constancia Mexicana y la industria de este ramo (Puebla: Oficinia des Hospital de San Pedro, 1837), 4; David W. Walker, Kinship, Business, and Politics: The Martinez del Rio Family in Mexico, 1824–1867 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986), 138; Camera de Disputados, Dictamen de la Comisión de Industria, sobre la prohibición de hilaza y ejidos de algodón (1835).

44 David W. Walker, Kinship, Business, and Politics: The Martinez del Rio Family in Mexico, 1824–1867 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986), 149, 151, 162; Gonzáles, Galvarriato, and Williamson, “Globalization,” 41. The number for India refers to the year 1887.

45 J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 204; Daniel, “Entrepreneurship and the Russian Textile Industry,” 8; W. Lochmueller, Zur Entwicklung der Baumwollindustrie in Deutschland (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1906), 17; Hans-Werner Hahn, Die industrielle Revolution in Deutschland (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1998), 27. For a survey on the impact of states on European industrialization see Barry Supple, “The State and the Industrial Revolution, 1700–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe , vol. 3 (Glasgow: Collins, 1977), 301–57.

46 J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 270; Jordi Nadal, “Spain, 1830–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe , vol. 4, part 2, 607; Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 453.

47 Thomson, “Explaining,” 711–17.

48 Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 274–75, 299. 1793年，西班牙生产者使用的原棉量是英国的16.06%，到1808年，这一比例下降到6 - 7.25%，到1816年下降到2.2%; James Clayburn La Force Jr., The Development of the Spanish Textile Industry, 1750–1800 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), 16; Jordi Nadal, “Spain, 1830–1914,” in Cipolla, The Fontana Economic History of Europe , vol. 4, part 2, 608.

49 Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 525; Wilma Pugh, “Calonne’s ‘New Deal,’” Journal of Modern History 11, no. 3 (1939): 289–312; François-Joseph Ruggiu, “India and the Reshaping of the French Colonial Policy, 1759–1789,” in Itinerario 35, no. 2 (August 2011): 25–43; Alfons van der Kraan, “The Birth of the Dutch Cotton Industry, 1830–1840,” in Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, eds., The Fibre that Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 285; Jan Luiten van Zanden and Arthur van Riel, The Strictures of Inheritance: The Dutch Economy in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 39–40; Mokyr, Industry 32, 103, 105, 107, 108.

50 Mokyr, Industry , 31, 34–35; Dhont and Bruwier, “The Low Countries, 1700–1914,” 358–59.

51 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 290, 344–46; Bowring, Bericht an das Englische Parlament , 4. Tanner, “The Cotton Industry of Eastern Switzerland,” 150. 德意志地区棉花工业在很大程度上也以类似的方式依赖其出口能力，特别是对北美的出口能力; Dehn, The German Cotton Industry , 18; Dietrich Ebeling et al., “The German Wool and Cotton Industry from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 208.

52 Mary Jo Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective: European Spinsters in the International Textile Industry, 1750–1900,” Journal of Women’s History 15, no. 4 (Winter 2004): 48.

53 Chapman, The Cotton Industry , 22; C. H. Lee, “The Cotton Textile Industry,” in Roy Church, ed., The Dynamics of Victorian Business: Problems and Perspectives to the 1870s (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1980), 161; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands , 153; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 288; Richard Leslie Hills, Power from Steam: A History of the Stationary Steam Engine (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 117. These numbers are notoriously inaccurate and are just approximations. Chapman, The Cotton Industry , 29; Anthony Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (New York: Clarendon Press, 1984), 6; The Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1855 (Manchester: James Collins, 1856), 15.

54 Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 436; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 184, 188; Lee, “The Cotton Textile Industry,” 165; Lars G. Sandberg, “Movements in the Quality of British Cotton Textile Exports,” Journal of Economic History 28, no. 1 (March 1968): 15–19; Manchester Commercial Association Minutes, 1845–1858, record group M8/7/1, Manchester Archives and Library, Manchester.

55 For this argument, see also Jeremy Adelman, “Non-European Origins of European Revolutions” (unpublished paper, Making Europe: The Global Origins of the Old World Conference, Freiburg, 2010), 25.

56 Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid Marsot, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 162; Robert L. Tignor, Egyptian Textiles and British Capital, 1930–1956 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1989), 9; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 174.

57 Tignor, Egyptian Textiles , 9; Marsot, Egypt , 166; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 23–24.

58 Jean Batou, “Muhammad-Ali’s Egypt, 1805–1848: A Command Economy in the 19th Century?,” in Jean Batou, ed., Between Development and Underdevelopment: The Precocious Attempts at Industrialization of the Periphery, 1800–1870 (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 187; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 44.

59 Marsot, Egypt , 171, 181. By 1838, as many as thirty thousand workers might have labored in Egypt’s cotton spinning mills. Colonel Campbell, Her Britannic Majesty’s Agent and Consul-General in Egypt to John Bowring, Cairo, January 18, 1838, as reprinted in John Bowring, Report on Egypt and Candia (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1840), 186; Batou, “Muhammad-Ali’s Egypt,” 181, 185, 199; Ausland (1831), 1016.

60 Marsot, Egypt , 171; Colonel Campbell, Her Britannic Majesty’s Agent and Consul-General in Egypt to John Bowring, Cairo, January 18, 1838, as reprinted in Bowring, Report on Egypt , 35; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China, and Australia , New Series, 4 (March 1831): 133.

61 Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China, and Australia , New Series, 5 (May–August 1831): 62; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China, and Australia , New Series, 4 (April 1831): 179, quoting an article from the Indian Gazette , October 5, 1830.

62 Rapport à Son Altesse Mehemet Ali, Vice Roi d’égypt, sur la Filature et le Tissage du Cotton, par Jules Poulain, f78, Add. Mss. 37466, Egyptian State Papers, 1838–1849, Manuscript Division, British Library, London.

63 Marsot, Egypt , 169, 184; Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 177.

64 Batou, “Muhammad-Ali’s Egypt,” 182, 201–2; Historical Dictionary of Egypt , 3rd ed. (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2003), 388; Marsot, Egypt , 177; Tignor, Egyptian Textiles , 8; Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 178; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State” (unpublished paper, Textile Conference IISH, November 2004), 6.

65 The existence of a vibrant proto-industry is rightly emphasized in John Dickinson and Robert Delson, “Enterprise Under Colonialism: A Study of Pioneer Industrialization in Brazil, 1700–1830” (working paper, Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Liverpool, 1991), esp. 52; see also Hercuclano Gomes Mathias, Algodão no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Index Editoria, 1988), 67, 83; Maria Regina and Ciparrone Mello, A industrialização do algodão em São Paulo (São Paulo: Editoria Perspectiva, 1983), 23; Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 2, 4, 20–21; Roberta Marx Delson, “Brazil: The Origin of the Textile Industry,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 75, 77, 934; Gonzáles, Galvarriato, and Williamson, “Globalization,” 17.

66 Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 15.

67 Ibid., 7, 13; Eugene W. Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia During the Empire,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 15, no. 3 (August 1973): 336, 337, 342–45.

68 Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 5–6, 51–52; Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil,” 344.

69 W. A. Graham Clark, Cotton Goods in Latin America: Part 1, Cuba, Mexico, and Central America: Transmitted to Congress in Compliance with the Act of March 4, 1909 Authorizing Investigations of Trade Conditions Abroad (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1909), 9.

70 即使有一位作者试图证明“南方工业化”重要性，他最终还是提供了这些努力的软弱无力的充分的证据。See Michael Gagnon, Transition to an Industrial South: Athens, Georgia, 1830–1870 (Baton Rouge: Lousiana State University Press, 2012); Broadus Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills in the South (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1921), 21. In 1831, cloth output in the North was seventeen times as large as that in the slave states. See Friends of Domestic Industry, Reports of the Committees of the Friends of Domestic Industry, assembled at New York, Octber 31, 1831 (1831), 9–47. 这些工厂与后来的南方工业化之间也存在着根本的不连续性。

71 Richard Roberts, “West Africa and the Pondicherry Textile Industry,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 31, no. 2 (June 1994): 142–45, 151, 153, 158; Tirthankar Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 266; Dwijendra Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan: A Comparative Interpretation (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 104, 105.

72 Howard F. Cline, “The Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” 138; Jorge Munoz Gonzalez, Valladolid: 450 Años de Luz (Valladolid: Ayuntamiento de Valladolid, 1993), 40; Ramírez, Sociedad, Estructura Agraria , 35.

73 Dale W. Tomich, Through the Prism of Slavery (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littefield, 2004), 70.

74 Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1951), chapter 26.

第7章　动员劳动力

1 “Fragen eines lesenden Arbeiters,” translated by M. Hamburger, Bertolt Brecht: Poems, 1913–1956 , (New York and London: Methuen, 1976).

2 For the quotation, see forum post by “The Longford,” March 9, 2009, http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=823790 , accessed March 8, 2013; Ellen Hootton’s case is documented in House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, First Report of the Central Board of His Majesty’s Commissioners for Inquiring into the Employment of Children in Factories, 1833, xx, D.i, 103–15. Her history has also been beautifully analyzed by Douglas A. Galbi, “Through the Eyes in the Storm: Aspects of the Personal History of Women Workers in the Industrial Revolution,” Social History 21, no. 2 (1996): 142–59.

3 Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1964), 272–73.

4 Mike Williams and Douglas A. Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester (Preston, UK: Carnegie, 1992), 236; Stanley D. Chapman, The Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1967), 170.

5 Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 26.

6 Mary B. Rose, Networks and Business Values: The British and American Cotton Industries Since 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 30; Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der Deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahrhundert: Eine Historische Modellstudie zur Empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 73; Gerhard Adelmann, “Zur regionalen Differenzierung der Baumwoll-und Seidenverarbeitung und der Textilen Spezialfertigungen Deutschlands, 1846–1907,” in Hans Pohl, ed., Gewerbe und Industrielandschaften vom Spätmittelalter bis ins 20. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 293; Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte , vol. 2 (Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 1987), 92; Michel Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 1803–1939 (Strasbourg: Association des Publications près les Universités de Strasbourg, 1987), 89; Jean-François Bergier, Histoire économique de la Suisse (Lausanne: Payot, 1984), 192. Another source estimated the number of cotton workers in the United States in 1830 as 179,000. See Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, Cultivation, Manufacture and Foreign Trade of Cotton, March 4, 1836, Doc. No. 146, Treasury Department, House of Representatives, 24th Congress, 1st Session, in Levi Woodbury, Woodbury’s Tables and Notes on the Cultivation, Manufacture, and Foreign Trade of Cotton (Washington, DC: Printed by Blaire & Rives, 1836), 51. On Russia, see A. Khromov, Ekonomicheskoe razvitie Rossii v XIX-XX Vekah: 1800–1917 (Moscow: Gos. Izd. Politicheskoi Literatury, 1950), 32; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 425, 428; Michael Jansen, De industriële ontwikkeling in Nederland 1800–1850 (Amsterdam: NEHA, 1999), 149, 333–36; CBS, Volkstelling 1849 , estimates by Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, correspondence with the author, October 29, 2013. For Spain see Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 456; more than 90 percent of Spain’s cotton industry was located in Catalonia. J. K. J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization: Cotton in Barcelona, 1728–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 262.

7 See Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 72; in chapter 6 Polanyi writes about land, labor, and money as fictitious commodities.

8 As cited in E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage, 1966), 190; see also S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 53.

9 Charles Tilly, “Did the Cake of Custom Break?” in John M. Merriman, ed., Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1979); Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870–1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1976).

10 Robert J. Steinfeld, Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 20.

11 Ibid., 47, 74–75, 317; “Gesetzesammlung für die Königlichen Preussischen Staaten, 1845,” as cited in ibid., 245.

12 Marta Vicente, “Artisans and Work in a Barcelona Cotton Factory, 1770–1816,” International Review of Social History 45 (2000): 3, 4, 12, 13, 18.

13 Employment Ledger for Dover Manufacturing Company, 1823–4 (Dover, NH), Dover-Cocheco Collection, Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, MA.

14 Benjamin Martin, The Agony of Modernization: Labor and Industrialization in Spain (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 1990), 21; Georg Meerwein, Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer bezw. Sächsischen Baumwollspinnerei von 1789–1879 (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1914), 21; Walter Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der Schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft im Rahmen der übrigen Industrien und Wirtschaftszweige (Zürich: Verlag Berichthaus, 1960), 220, 224, 227; L. Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860,” Economic History Review 1, no. 2 (January 1928): 286; Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 1ff.; David Allen Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 1830–1945 (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 56; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization , 259.

15 Robert Marx Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers? Ethnicity and Migration of Global Textile Workers,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 662, 665; G. Bischoff, “Guebwiller vers 1830: La vie économique et sociale d’une petite ville industrielle à la fin de la Restauration,” Annuaire de la Société d’Histoire des Régions de Thann–Guebwiller 7 (1965–1967): 64–74; Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk et al., “The Netherlands,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 383; Joel Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 1795–1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 38.

16 Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der Schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 295, 298; Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers?” 652–53, 666–67; Erik Amburger, Die Anwerbung ausländischer Fachkräfte für die Wirtschaft Russlands vom 15. bis ins 19. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1968), 147.

17 Meeting of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1st February 1826, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–1827, Record Group M8, Box 2/1, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, “Two Forms of Cheap Labor in Textile History,” in Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, eds., Technique, Spirit and Form in the Making of the Modern Economies: Essays in Honor of William N. Parker (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1984), 7; Robert F. Dalzell, Enterprising Elite: The Boston Associates and the World They Made (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 33.

18 For the information relating to the Dover Manufacturing Company see Payroll Account Books, 1823–1824, Dover Manufacturing Company, Dover, New Hampshire, in Cocheco Manufacturing Company Papers, Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, MA; Barbara M. Tucker, Samuel Slater and the Origins of the American Textile Industry, 1790–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984), 139.

19 Carolyn Tuttle and Simone Wegge, “The Role of Child Labor in Industrialization” (presentation, Economic History Seminar, Harvard University, April 2004), 21, 49; McConnel & Kennedy Papers, MCK/4/51, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

20 Terry Wyke, “Quarry Bank Mill, Styal, Cheschire,” Revealing Histories, Remembering Slavery, accessed July 21, 2012, http://www.revealinghistories.org.uk/how-did-money-from-slavery-help-develop-greater-manchester/places/quarry-bank-mill-styal-cheshire.html ; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 28, 31, 109–10; George Unwin, Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights: The Industrial Revolution at Stockport and Marple (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1924), 170–71; Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal 61, no. 124 (July 1835): 464.

21 Tuttle and Wegge, “The Role of Child Labor in Industrialization,” Table 1A, Table 2, Table 3a; Gerhard Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands und der westlichen Nachbarländer beim übergang von der vorindustriellen zur frühindustriellen Zeit, 1750–1815 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2001), 96; M. V. Konotopov et al., Istoriia otechestvennoi tekstil’noi promyshlennosti (Moscow: Legprombytizdat, 1992), 97; Meerwein, Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer , 35; M. M. Gutiérrez, Comercio libre o funesta teoría de la libertad económica absoluta (Madrid: M. Calero, 1834); Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 279, 281; “Rapport de la commission chargée d’examiner la question relative à l’emploi des enfants dans les filatures de coton,” in Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse (1837), 482, 493; Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace , 54; Marjatta Rahikainen, Centuries of Child Labour: European Experiences from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Century (Hampshire, UK: Ashgate 2004), 133.

22 Maxine Berg, “What Difference Did Women’s Work Make to the Industrial Revolution?” in Pamela Sharpe, ed., Women’s Work: The English Experience, 1650–1914 (London: Arnold, 1998), 154, 158; Mary Jo Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective: European Spinsters in the International Textile Industry, 1750–1900,” Journal of Women’s History 15, no. 4 (Winter 2004): 56; Payroll Account Books, 1823–1824, Dover Manufacturing Company, Dover, New Hampshire, Cocheco Manufacturing Company Papers, Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, MA; Janet Hunter and Helen Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 705.

23 Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” 705; Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective,” 51, 54; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, Baltimore, May 13, 1841, in Box IX.3.53–82, RP, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, Boston, June 18, 1841, in ibid.

24 Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” 710, 715; Berg, “What Difference Did Women’s Work Make to the Industrial Revolution?” 154, 158, 168.

25 Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective,” 55; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Cotton Textiles, Division of Labor and the Economic and Social Conditions of Women: A Preliminary Survey” (presentation, Conference 5: Cotton Textiles, Global Economic History Network, Osaka, December 2004), 20; Jack A. Goldstone, “Gender, Work, and Culture: Why the Industrial Revolution Came Early to England but Late to China,” Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (Spring 1996): 1–21; Philip C. C. Huang, The Peasant Family and Rural Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350–1988 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990), 91 and 110ff.

26 J. Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent During the French Regime,” in F. Crouzet, W. H. Chaloner, and W. M. Stern, eds., Essays in European Economic History, 1789–1914 (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), 21; Wallace Daniel, “Entrepreneurship and the Russian Textile Industry: From Peter the Great to Catherine the Great,” Russian Review 54 (January 1995): 7; I. D. Maulsby, Maryland General Assembly, Joint Committee on the Penitentiary, Testimony Taken Before the Joint Committee of the Legislature of Maryland, on the Penitentiary (Annapolis, 1837), 31; Rebecca McLennan, The Crisis of Imprisonment: Protest, Politics, and the Making of the American Penal State, 1776–1941 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 66; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union” (presentation, Textile Conference, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, November 2004), 7; M. L. Gavlin, Iz istorii rossiiskogo predprinimatel’stva: dinastiia Knopov: nauchno-analiticheskii obzor (Moscow: INION AN SSSR, 1995), 34–35; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert,” 298–99; Max Hamburger, “Standortgeschichte der Deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1911); Andrea Komlosy, “Austria and Czechoslavakia: The Habsburg Monarchy and Its Successor States,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 57.

27 Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers?” 657–58, 660; “In our country” cited in Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 51; Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 30–31.

28 Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers?” 655; Aleksei Viktorovich Koval’chuk, Manufakturnaia promyshlennost’ Moskvy vo vtoroi polovine XVIII veka: Tekstil’noe proizvodstvo (Moscow: Editorial URSS, 1999), 311. The general story of disciplining workers to factory labor is told most powerfully by E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism,” Past and Present 38 (1967): 56–97; Time Book, Oldknow Papers, Record Group SO, Box 12/16, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution , 56.

29 Dietrich Ebeling et al., Die deutsche Woll- und Baumwollindustrie presented at the International Textile History Conference, November 2004, 32. Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace , 59; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” 460; Van Nederveen Meerkerk et al., “The Netherlands,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 385; see also the brilliant article by Marcel van der Linden, “Re-constructing the Origins of Modern Labor Management,” Labor History 51 (November 2010): 509–22.

30 Ebeling et al., “The German Wool and Cotton Industry from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century,” 227; J. Norris to Robert Peel, Secretary of State, April 28, 1826, Manchester, Public Record Office, Home Office, Introduction of Power Looms: J. Norris, Manchester, enclosing a hand bill addressed to the COTTON SPINNERS of Manchester, 1826, May 6, HO 44/16, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Paul Huck, “Infant Mortality and Living Standards of English Workers During the Industrial Revolution,” Journal of Economic History 55, no. 3 (September 1995): 547. See also Simon Szreter and Graham Mooney, “Urbanization, Mortality, and the Standard of Living Debate: New Estimates of the Expectation of Life at Birth in Nineteenth-Century British Cities,” Economic History Review , New Series, 51, no. 1 (February 1998): 84–112; Hans-Joachim Voth, “The Longest Years: New Estimates of Labor Input in England, 1760–1830,” Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1065–82, quote on 1065; Proceedings of 24 April 1822, 30 January 1823, 23 April 1825, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–1827, Record Group M8/2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Seth Luther, Address to the Working Men of New England, on the State of Education, and on the Condition of the Producing Classes in Europe and America (New York: George H. Evans, 1833), 11.

31 Jeff Horn, The Path Not Taken: French Industrialization in the Age of Revolution, 1750–1830 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006), 107, 109–10, 116, 120.

32 H. A. Turner, Trade Union Growth Structure and Policy: A Comparative Study of the Cotton Unions (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1962), 385–86; Andrew Charlesworth et al., Atlas of Industrial Protest in Britain, 1750–1985 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), 42–46.

33 Howard F. Cline, “The Aurora Yucateca and the Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan, 1821–1847,” Hispanic American Historical Review 27, no. 1 (1947): 30; Max Lemmenmeier, “Heimgewerbliche Bevoölkerung und Fabrikarbeiterschaft in einem laöndlichen Industriegebiet der Ostschweiz (Oberes Glattal) 1750–1910,” in Karl Ditt and Sidney Pollard, eds., Von der Heimarbeit in die Fabrik: Industrialisierung und Arbeiterschaft in Leinen- und Baumwollregionen Westeuropas während des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts (Paderborn: F. Schöningh, 1992), 410, 428ff.; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der Schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft , 295–96; Van Nederveen Meerkerk et al., “The Netherlands,” 386.

34 John Holt, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lancashire (Dublin: John Archer, 1795), 208.

35 Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class ; Horn, The Path Not Taken , 91, 95, 97–98. In France, one thousand out of twenty-five thousand water frames were destroyed; John Brown, A Memoir of Robert Blincoe, an Orphan Boy; Sent from the Workhouse of St. Pancras, London at Seven Years of Age to Endure the Horrors of a Cotton-Mill, Through His Infancy and Youth, with a Minute Detail of His Sufferings, Being the First Memoir of the Kind Published (Manchester: Printed for and Published by J. Doherty, 1832), 2.

36 Turner, Trade Union Growth Structure and Policy , 382–85; W. Foster to Robert Peel, July 13, 1826, Manchester, Home Office, Introduction of Power Looms: J. Norris, Manchester, enclosing a hand bill addressed to the COTTON SPINNERS of Manchester, 1826, May 6, HO 44/16, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Aaron Brenner et al., eds., The Encyclopedia of Strikes in American History (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2011), xvii; Mary H. Blewett, “USA: Shifting Landscapes of Class, Culture, Gender, Race and Protest in the American Northeast and South,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 536; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” 457; Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France, 1830–1968 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 195; Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” 721.

37 Steinfeld, Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor , 245, 319.

第8章　棉花全球化

1 Beiblatt zu No. 6 of the Neue Bremer Zeitung , January 6, 1850, 1.

2 Henry S. Young, Bygone Liverpool: Illustrated by Ninety-Seven Plates Reproduced from Original Paintings, Drawings, Manuscripts and Prints (Liverpool: H. Young, 1913), 36; James Stonehouse, Pictorial Liverpool: Its Annals, Commerce, Shipping, Institutions, Buildings, Sights, Excursions, &c. &c.: A New and Complete Hand-book for Resident, Visitor and Tourist (England: H. Lacey, 1844?), 143. In 1821, 3,381 ships arrived in the port. The Picture of Liverpool, or, Stranger’s Guide (Liverpool: Thomas Taylor, 1832), 31, 75. For a history of waterfront working-class activities, see Harold R. Hikins, Building the Union: Studies on the Growth of the Workers’ Movement, Merseyside, 1756–1967 (Liverpool: Toulouse Press for Liverpool Trades Council, 1973).

3 Graeme J. Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool: Mercantile Business and the Making of a World Port (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), 29; Captain James Brown to James Croft, New Orleans, March 16, 1844, in record group 387 MD, Letter book of Captain James Brown, 1843–1852, item 48, Shipping Records of the Brown Family, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Captain James Brown to James Croft, New Orleans, October 18, 1844, in ibid.; Captain James Brown to James Croft, New Orleans, March 16, 1844, in ibid.

4 Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 168–70, 172; Samuel Smith, My Life-Work (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), 16; Henry Smithers, Liverpool, Its Commerce, Statistics, and Institutions: With a History of the Cotton Trade (Liverpool: Thomas Kaye, 1825), 140; High Gawthrop, Fraser’s Guide to Liverpool (London: W. Kent and Co., 1855), 212.

5 The art on page 202 is from Franklin Elmore Papers, Library of Congress (RASP Ser. C, Pt. 2, reel 3). Thanks to Susan O’Donovan for this source.

6 Vincent Nolte, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres or, Reminiscences of the Life of a Former Merchant (New York: Redfield, 1854), 278; De Bow’s Review 12 (February 1852): 123; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 15 (1846): 537.

7 John R. Killic 认为相对于棉花种植史，棉花的国际贸易方面几乎完全被无视. John R. Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown and Sons in the Deep South, 1820–1860,” Journal of Southern History 43 (May 1977): 169.

8 See Robin Pearson and David Richardson, “Networks, Institutional Innovation and Atlantic Trade before 1800,” Business History 50, no. 6 (November 2008): 765; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of John Tarleton, 920 TAR, Box 2, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of Messrs. Tarleton and Backhouse, 920 TAR, Box 5, in ibid.; Earle Collection, D/Earle/5/9, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 48.

9 Edward Roger John Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 34, 90; J. Forbes Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India and Elsewhere: With an Account of the Experiments Made by the Hon. East India Company up to the Present Time (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1851), 80–81; Great Britain Board of Trade, Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom , 1856–1870, 18th no. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1871), 58–59; Jean Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire: Du négoce à l’industrie, 1800–1914, le cadre de vie (Saint-Etienne du Rouvray: EDIP, 1982), 256; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , Appendix: Table 2; 350,448 pounds is converted from 3,129 cwt (1 pound is equal to 112 cwt according to Elizabeth Boody Schumpeter, English Overseas Trade Statistics, 1697–1808 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 34. Also, to cite another example, the import of British-manufactured yarn and cloth into Calcutta increased by a factor of four in the seventeen years after 1834. See Imports of Cotton, Piece Goods, Twist and Yarn in Calcutta 1833/34 to 1850/51, in MSS Eur F 78/44, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Werner Baer, The Brazilian Economy: Growth and Development (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001), 17; Patrick Verley, “Exportations et croissance économique dans la France des Années 1860,” Annales 43 (1988): 80; Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 32; Stanley Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain: From the Industrial Revolution to World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 6; Douglas A. Irwin, “Exports of Selected Commodities: 1790–1989,” Table Ee569–589, in Susan B. Carter et al., eds., Historical Statistics of the United States, Earliest Times to the Present: Millennial Edition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Douglas A. Irwin, “Exports and Imports of Merchandise, Gold, and Silver: 1790–2002,” Table Ee362–375, in Carter et al., eds., Historical Statistics of the United States .

10 Verley, “Exportations et croissance économique dans la France des Années 1860,” 80.

11 Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 367; Stanley Dumbell, “The Cotton Market in 1799,” Economic Journal (January 1926): 141.

12 Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” 369–70; Nigel Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers, c. 1800–1914,” Northern History 41 (September 2004): 339; Nigel Hall, “The Emergence of the Liverpool Raw Cotton Market, 1800–1850,” Northern History 38 (March 2001): 74, 75, 77; The Liverpool Trade Review 53 (October 1954), 318–19; Francis E. Hyde, Bradbury B. Parkinson, and Sheila Marriner, “The Cotton Broker and the Rise of the Liverpool Cotton Market,” Economic History Review 8 (1955): 76.

13 Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers,” 339–43; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 124, 150; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 166–67, 171, 176, 200, 236, 257; Hyde et. al, “The Cotton Broker and the Rise of the Liverpool Cotton Market,” 76; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 175; Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers,” 340.

14 Daily Purchases and Sales Book, 1814–1815, George Holt & Co., in Papers of John Aiton Todd, Record group MD 230:4, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 206.

15 Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 206.

16 Allston Hill Garside, Cotton Goes to Market: A Graphic Description of a Great Industry (New York: Stokes, 1935), 47, 51, 58; Dumbell, “The Cotton Market in 1799,” 147; Jacques Peuchet, Dictionnaire universel de la géographie commerçante, contenant tout ce qui a raport à la situation et à l’étendue de chaque état commerçant; aux productions de l’agriculture, et au commerce qui s’en fait; aux manufactures, pêches, mines, et au commerce qui se fait de leurs produits; aux lois, usages, tribunaux et administrations du commerce , vols. 1–5 (Paris: Chez Blanchon, 1799); for example see separate entries on Benin (vol. 2, p. 800), the United States (vol. 4, p. 16), and Saint Vincent (vol. 5, pp. 726–27). Even though Harold Woodman suggests that standards only came about after the 1870s, in the wake of the creation of cotton exchanges, such standards have a much longer history. Harold D. Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers: Financing and Marketing the Cotton Crop of the South, 1800–1925 (Columbus: University of South Carolina Press, 1990), xvii; Dumbell, “The Cotton Market in 1799,” 147. For the emergence of these categories in various markets see Arthur Harrison Cole, Wholesale Commodity Prices in the United States, 1700–1861 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938), 110–343; The Tradesman , vol. 2, 182; The Colonial Journal 3, no. 5 (1817): 549; The London Magazine 1 (1820): 593; see also the important article by Philippe Minard, “Facing Uncertainty: Markets, Norms and Conventions in the Eighteenth Century,” in Perry Gauci, ed., Regulating the British Economy, 1660–1850 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 189–90.

17 Carl Johannes Fuchs, “Die Organisation des Liverpoolers Baumwollhandels,” in Gustav Schmoller, ed., Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im deutschen Reich 14 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1890), 111; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 272; Stephen M. Stigler, Statistics on the Table: The History of Statistical Concepts and Methods (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 364; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, April 3, 1842, in record 380 COT, file 1/1, Papers of the Liverpool Cotton Association, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, February 18, 1842, in ibid.; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, August 13, 1844, in ibid.; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, October 23, 1846, in ibid. In 1857, the Bombay Cotton Dealers’ Managing Committee similarly distributed uniform, printed contracts, demanding the uniform packing of cotton bales, and settling conflicts by arbitration. The Bombay Cotton Dealers Managing Committee is cited in M. L. Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton (Bombay: East India Cotton Association, 1947), 63.

18 Minutes of the meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce, Liverpool, October 14, 1848, in record 380 AME, vol. 2, American Chamber of Commerce Records, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers , xvii.

19 Stanley Dumbell, “The Origin of Cotton Futures,” Economic Journal , Supplement (May 1827): 259–67; Fuchs, “Die Organisation des Liverpooles Baumwollhandels,” 115; Hall, “The Liverpool Cotton Market: Britain’s First Futures Market,” 102; Daily Purchases and Sales Book, 1814–1815, George Holt & Co., in Papers of John Aiton Todd, Record group MD 230:4, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 114, 260; “List of Liverpool cotton importers and brokers,” April 20, 1860, in Correspondence sent to Baring in London by the Baring firm in Liverpool, House Correspondence, 1 Jan.–19 Apr. 1860, ING Baring Archives, London; Kenneth J. Lipartito, “The New York Cotton Exchange and the Development of the Cotton Futures Market,” Business History Review 57 (Spring 1983): 51; Robert Lacombe, La Bourse de Commerce du Havre (Paris: Recueil Sirey, 1939), 3; Claudie Reinhart, “Les Reinhart: Une famille de négociants en coton et café au Havre, 1856–1963” (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 2005), 304; Smith, My Life-Work , 17.

20 Dumbell, “The Origin of Cotton Futures,” 261.

21 D. M. Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade, 1820–1850,” in J. R. Harris, ed., Liverpool and Merseyside: Essays in the Economic and Social History of the Port and Its Hinterland (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1969), 192.

22 Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers,” 339; Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market,” 362–63; Hall, “The Emergence of the Liverpool Raw Cotton Market,” 69, 71; Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade,” 183; Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce, and Manufacture , vol. 3 (London: n.p., 1790–94), 646; Francois Vigier, Change and Apathy: Liverpool and Manchester During the Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1970), 64; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 83; Thomas Kaye, The Stranger in Liverpool: Or, an Historical and Descriptive View of the Town of Liverpool and Its Environs (Liverpool: T. Kaye, 1820), 33.

23 Nigel Hall, “A ‘Quaker Confederation’? The Great Liverpool Cotton Speculation of 1825 Reconsidered,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 151 (2002): 2; Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade,” 187–90; “Materials Concerning the Business Interests of James Stitt, Samuel Stitt and John J. Stitt,” folder 1, record D/B/115/1–4, Stitt Brothers Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 171; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 86.

24 Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade,” 195; Sheila Marriner, Rathbones of Liverpool, 1845–1873 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1961), xi, 14, 228–29. 有时候经纪人也会在卖方和买方之间调停; see Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers , 26. For the doctor’s income, see R. V. Jackson, “The Structure of Pay in Nineteenth-Century Britain,” Economic History Review , New Series, 40 (November 1987): 563; for the value of the profits in contemporary pounds, see Lawrence H. Officer and Samuel H. Williamson, “Five Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a U.K. Pound Amount, 1270 to Present,” Measuring Worth, http://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare/ , accessed August 9, 2012; R. G. Wilson and A. L. Mackley, “How Much Did the English Country House Cost to Build, 1660–1880?,” Economic History Review , New Series, 52 (August 1999): 446.

25 Nolte, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres , 275, 281; Ralph W. Hidy, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: English Merchant Bankers at Work, 1763–1861 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1949), 77, 89.

26 Philip Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power: Baring, 1762–1929 (London: Collins, 1988), 130, 145; Hidy, The House of Baring , 107, 359, 361.

27 Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power , 131; Hidy, The House of Baring , 3, 185, 298. For the quote see Baring Brothers Liverpool to Francis Baring, Liverpool, July 21, 1833, House Correspondence, record group HC3, file 35,1, in ING Baring Archive, London. For the importance of the Baring cotton operations see other letters in the same folder. For output per cotton plantation worker see David Elits, Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (Oxford University Press, 1987), 287.

28 Sam A. Mustafa, Merchants and Migrations: Germans and Americans in Connection, 1776–1835 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 118; Ludwig Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt: Kleine Bremer Baumwollchronik 1788–1872 (Bremen: Verlag Franz Leuwer, 1934), 11, 16; Karl-Heinz Schildknecht, Bremer Baumwollbörse: Bremen und Baumwolle im Wandel der Zeiten (Bremen: Bremer Baumwollbörse, 1999), 8, 9; Friedrich Rauers, Bremer Handelsgeschichte im 19. Jahrhundert (Bremen: Franz Leuwer, 1913), 35–39.

29 Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt , 20; Schiffsbuch “Albers,” in D. H. Wätjen & Co. Papers, record group 7, 2092, box 19, Staatsarchiv Bremen, Germany. See also records of the Ship Magdalena, from January 1, 1859, to Dec. 31, 1861, D. H. Wätjen & Co. Papers, record group 7,2092, box 20, Staatsarchiv Bremen.

30 G. Weulersse, Le port du Havre (Paris: Dunod, 1921), 67; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire , 217, 255, 257; Revue du Havre , 1850.

31 New York Times , April 17, 1901; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire , 217, 257; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 26, 39, 41.

32 Claude Malon, Jules Le Cesne: Député du Havre, 1818–1878 (Luneray: Editions Bertout, 1995), 11–12, 15, 24; Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt , 21.

33 Alfred D. Chandler Jr., The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 29; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 150; John Crosby Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking (New York: privately printed, 1909), 64, 184; Circular, Brown Brothers & Company, October 1825, as reprinted in Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking , 190; Circular by Brown Brothers, October 31, 1815, as reprinted in ibid., 191; John Killick, “Risk, Specialization, and Profit in the Mercantile Sector of the Nineteenth Century Cotton Trade: Alexander Brown and Sons, 1820–80,” Business History Review 16 (January 1974): 13.

34 John A. Kouwenhoven, Partners in Banking: An Historical Portrait of a Great Private Bank, Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 1818–1968 (Garden City. NY: Doubleday, 1967), 39, 43, 63, 70; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 173, 176–77, 179–80, 185; Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking , 255; Chandler, The Visible Hand , 29; Tim Schenk, “Business Is International: The Rise of the House of Brown, 1800–1866” (BA thesis, Columbia University, 1997), 30; Killick, “Risk, Specialization, and Profit,” 15. That $400,000 figure equals about $8.3 million in 2011. The prices for yachts and carriages in the 1830s are from Scott Derks and Tony Smith, The Value of a Dollar: Colonial Era to the Civil War, 1600–1865 (Millerton, NY: Grey House Publishing, 2005).

35 Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 183; Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850–1896 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 271.

36 Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 325–28; W. Nott & Co., New Orleans, November 26, 1829, to Thomas Baring, House Correspondence, HCV 5.7.17, ING Baring Archive, London. See also W. Nott to Thomas Baring, Private, New Orleans, August 25, 1830, ibid.; W. Nott to Thomas Baring, Private, New Orleans, August 25, 1830, in ibid.

37 Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers , 99; Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power , 76, 150. Forstall was also the principal supporter of the journal The Southerner . E. J. Forstall to Baring Brothers London, New Orleans, February 19, 1848, House Correspondence, HC 5, 7.5, ING Baring Archive, London; Hidy, The House of Baring , 95–96; President of the Consolidated Association of Planters, April 7, 1829, New Orleans to Messrs Baring Brothers and Company, House Correspondence, HCV 5.7.17, ING Baring Archive, London; Edmond Forstall to Baring Brothers London, Liverpool, July 29, 1830, House Correspondence, HC 5, 7.5, ING Baring Archive, London.

38 Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers , 8, 12, 13, 30; Chandler, The Visible Hand , 21; Joseph Holt Ingraham, The South-west: By a Yankee , vol. 2 (New York: Harper & Brothers 1835), 91.

39 Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers , 34, 41, 53, 160; Chandler, The Visible Hand , 23.

40 Smith, My Life-Work , 25; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 176; Jerrell H. Shofner, Daniel Ladd: Merchant Prince of Frontier Florida (Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1978), 2, 24, 35, 38, 44, 45, 53, 91, 88.

41 Salomon Volkart to J. M. Grob, Winterthur, July 3, 1851, copy book, letters, vol. 1, Volkart Archive, Winterthur, Switzerland; record group 920 TAR, file 4, letters, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 51; for Le Havre see Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire , 228; Weulersse, Le port du Havre , 86.

42 Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 186; Schenk, “Business Is International,” 31.

43 Minutes of the meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce, Liverpool, August 9, 1843, in record 380 AME, vol. 2, American Chamber of Commerce Records, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool.

44 Ibid.; Bonnie Martin, “Neighbor to Neighbor Capitalism: Local Credit Networks & the Mortgaging of Slaves,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming).

45 Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 116; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 101; Hamlin and Van Vechten, to Messrs. G. V. Robinson, New York, March 8, 1820, in Hamlin and Van Vechten Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library, New York.

46 Marika Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community, 1850–1880,” in Clive Dewey and K. N. Chaudhuri, eds., Economy and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 163–64; Jonathan Duncan to Earl of Worrington, Bombay, March 22, 1800, in Home Miscellaneous, vol. 471, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Letter to the Agricultural Horticultural Society of Bombay, as quoted in Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton , 33; Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton , 32.

47 “Report on the Private trade between Europe, America and Bengal from 1st June 1776 to 31st May 1802, General Remarks,” in Bengal Commercial Reports, External, 1795–1802, record group P/174, vol. 13, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; “Report of Commercial Occurrences,” March 6, 1788, in Reports to the Governor General from the Board of Trade, 1789, in Home Misc, vol. 393, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; “Minutes of Proceedings, April 15, 1800,” in Minutes of Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle from April 15, 1800, to 31st December, 1800, Bombay Commercial Proceedings, record group P/414, vol. 66, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; B. K. Karanjia, Give Me a Bombay Merchant-Anytime: The Life of Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, Bt., 1783, 1859 (Mumbai: University of Mumbai, 1998); List of Members, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1861–62 (Bombay: Chesson & Woodhall, 1862), 10–12; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 7.

48 Walter R. Cassel, Cotton: An Account of Its Culture in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: Bombay Education Society’s Press, 1862), 289, 292; Christof Dejung, “Netzwerke im Welthandel am Beispiel der Schweizer Handelsfirma Gebrüder Volkart, 1851–1930” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession), 5; John Richards to Baring Brothers London, Bombay, October 24, 1832, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, India and Indian Ocean, vol. 5, ING Baring Archive, London.

49 H. V. Bowen, “British Exports of Raw Cotton from India to China During the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries,” in Giorgio Riello and Tirthankar Roy, eds., How India Clothed the World: The World of South Asian Textiles, 1500–1850 (Boston: Brill, 2009), 130; Elena Frangakis, “The Ottoman Port of Izmir in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries, 1695–1820,” Revue de L’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée 39 (1985): 149–62; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 99–102.

50 Johannes Niederer to Salomon Volkart, Batavia, December 20, 1854, typed copy in copy book, letters, vol. 1, Volkart Archive, Winterthur, Switzerland; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 181, 185; Hall, “The Emergence of the Liverpool Raw Cotton Market,” 80; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 100; Alexander Brown to William Brown, October 27, 1819, reprinted in Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking , 68.

51 Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 181, 183.

52 See letters in RPXXIV.2.6., machine copies of William Rathone VI Correspondence in America, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Adam Hodgson to Rathbone, Hodgson, New York, November 2, 1819, in record group RP.XXIII.3.1–25, ibid.; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., New York, January 11, 1821, in record group XIII 3.20, ibid.; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, New York, April 26, 1841, in record group RP.IX.3.53–82, ibid.; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, Baltimore, May 13, 1841, in record group RP.IX.3.53–82, ibid.; machine copies of William Rathbone VI Correspondence in America, in record group RP.XXIV.2.6., ibid.; William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Hicks, New York, November 10, 1848, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4., ibid.; William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Rathbone, Baltimore, December 2, 1848, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4., ibid.

53 Hidy, The House of Baring , 95, 174; House Correspondence, HC3.35,1, ING Baring Archive, London; Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power , 144; Malon, Jules Le Cesne , 17–18; William Rathbone to William Rathbone Jr., Liverpool, December 11, 1850, in record group RP.IX.4.1–22, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Adam Hodgson to Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., September 27, 1820, in record group RP.XXIII.3.1–15, in ibid.; William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Rathbone, New York, March 3, 1849, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4, ibid.; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., New York, January 10, 1821, in record group XIII 3.18, in ibid.

54 Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 154–55.

55 Menge & Niemann, Hamburg, to Phelps, Dodge, Hamburg, July 14, 1841, in Phelps, Dodge Papers, Box 4, Folder July 1841, New York Public Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York.

56 Smith, My Life-Work , 30; Gisborne to Baring Brothers, Calcutta, August 7, 1846, House Correspondence, record group HC 6, file 3, ING Baring Archive, London; Shofner, Daniel Ladd , 37; Nolte, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres , 275. See also one of Nolte’s circulars, for example dated New Orleans, March 23, 1839, in Brown Family Business Records, B 40 f5, John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island. Thanks to Seth Rockman for bringing this document to my attention.

57 Shofner, Daniel Ladd , 37; on the general question of how agricultural statistics came into being see Conrad Taeuber, “Internationally Comparable Statistics on Food and Agriculture,” Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 27 (July 1949): 299–313; see also Lettres des Indes etc. de 1844/45 écrites par F. C. Dollfus, à Jean Dollfus président du Comité pour l’Export des Tissus Imprimés d’Alsace, no call number, Archives du Musée de l’Impression sur étoffes, Mulhouse, France.

58 See for example sample books, vol. 1247 (1825) and 1239 (1819), in Archives du Musée de l’Impression sur étoffes, Mulhouse, France.

59 William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Rathbone, New York, January 8, 1849, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4., Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool.

60 British Packet and Argentine News , August 4, 1826, and thereafter, in National Library of Argentina, Buenos Aires; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 27; Bremer Handelsblatt , every issue; Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 12 (February 1845): 195; Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 14 (April 1846): 380.

61 Asiatic Journal and Monthly Miscellany , Third Series, 2 (London: Wm. H. Allen & Co., 1844), 148, 156.

62 Carl Johannes Fuchs, “Die Organisation des Liverpoolers Baumnwollhandels,” in Gustav Schmoller, ed., Jahrbuch fuer Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im deutschen Reich 14 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1890), 112; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 180–81; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, January 28, 1842, in record 380 COT, file 1/1, Papers of the Liverpool Cotton Association, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; R. Robson, “Raw Cotton Statistics,” Incorporated Statistician: The Journal of the Association of Incoroporated Statisticians 5 (April 1955): 191; André Corvisier, Histoire du Havre et de l’estuaire de la Seine (Toulouse: Privat, 1983), 164; Eugene W. Ridings, “Business Associationalism, the Legitimation of Enterprise, and the Emergence of a Business Elite in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Business History Review 63 (Winter 1989): 766–67; List of Members, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1861–62 (Bombay: Chesson & Woodhall, 1862), 10–12. For a detailed history of the political activities of Manchester merchants see Arthur Redford, Manchester Merchants and Foreign Trade, 1794–1858 , vol. 1 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1934).

63 Trust as a core prerequisite for the emergence of markets, and thus the dependence of markets on relationships not generated in the market itself, is also emphasized by Hartmut Berghoff, “Vertrauen als Ökonomische Schlüsselvariable: Zur Theorie des Vertrauens und der Geschichte seiner Privatwirtschaflichen Produktion,” in Karl-Peter Ellerbrook and Clemens Wischermann, eds., Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte vor der Herausforderung durch die New Institutional Economics (Dortmund: Gesellschaft für Westfälische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 2004), 58–71; M. C. Casson, “An Economic Approach to Regional Business Networks,” in John F. Wilson and Andrew Popp, eds., Industrial Clusters and Regional Business Networks in England, 1750–1970 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003), 28; Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau, “Les négoces Atlantique français: Anatomie d’ un capitalisme relationnel,” Dix-huitième Siècle 33 (2001): 38. See also Geoffrey Jones, “Multinational Trading Companies in History and Theory,” in Geoffrey Jones, ed., The Multinational Traders (London: Routledge, 1998), 5. For an important case study of Boston’s Perkins family see Rachel Van, “Free Trade and Family Values: Free Trade and the Development of American Capitalism in the 19th Century” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2011).

64 Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 319; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 151.

65 William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, New York, April 26, 1841, in record group RP.IX.3.53–82, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson & Co., New York, January 9, 1821, in record group XXIII 3/19, ibid.; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., New York, January 2, 1821, in record group XIII 3.17, ibid.; J. Anderegg, “Volkart Brothers, 1851–1976” (unpublished manuscript, Volkart Brothers Archives, Winterthur, Switzerland), vol. 1, 42; Salomon Volkart to “Freund Heitz,” Winterthur, February 3, 1851, Copy book, letters, vol. 1, in ibid.; John Richards to Baring Brothers London, Bombay October 24, 1832, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, India and Indian Ocean, vol. 5, in ING Baring Archive, London.

66 William Rathbone IV to Joseph Reynolds Rathbone, June 25, 1805, in record group RP. IV.1.112–151, Rathbone Papers, University of Liverpool, Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool; William Rathbone IV to Joseph Reynolds Rathbone, Greenbank, December 3, 1807, in record group RP. IV.1.112–151, in ibid.; Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking , 262, 265; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 152; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 27, 30.

67 Leoni M. Calvocoressi, “The House of Ralli Brothers,” handwritten manuscript, dated Chios 1852, in record group MS 23836, Guildhall Library, London.

68 See Ralli Brothers Limited (n.p.: n.p., 1951), in Ralli Papers, Historical Materials of the Firm, record group MS 23836, Guildhall Library, London. On the Rallis see also Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 155.

69 Ressat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 21; Alexander Kitroeff, The Greeks in Egypt, 1919–1937 (London: Ithaca Press, 1989), 1, 76, 82, 88; Christos Hadziiossif, “La colonie grecque en égypte, 1833–1856” (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 1980), 118, 119.

70 John Foster, “The Jewish Entrepreneur and the Family,” in Konrad Kwiet, ed., From the Emancipation to the Holocaust: Essays on Jewish Literature and History in Central Europe (Kensington: University of New South Wales, 1987), 25; Bill Williams, The Making of Manchester Jewry, 1740–1875 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 17–19, 22, 34; Thomas Fowell Buxton recounts a story told to him by Nathan Rothschild in a letter to Miss Buxton, February 14, 1834, reprinted in Charles Buxton, ed., Memoirs of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (London: John Murray, 1952), 289; S. D. Chapman, “The Foundation of the English Rothschilds: N. M. Rothschild as a Textile Merchant,” Textile History 8 (1977): 101–2, 113; Niall Ferguson, The House of Rothschild: Money’s Prophets, 1798–1848 (New York: Viking, 1999), 53; Alexander Dietz, Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte (Glasshütten: Verlag Detlev Auvermann, 1970), 330–34.

71 Anderegg, “Volkart Brothers, 1851–1976,” vol. 1, 23; Walter H. Rambousek, Armin Vogt, and Hans R. Volkart, Volkart: The History of a World Trading Company (Frankfurt: Insel Verlag, 1991), 41, 69, 72; on this point, see the excellent work by Christof Dejung, for example, Dejung, “Hierarchie und Netzwerk: Steuerungsformen im Welthandel am Beispiel der Schweizer Handelsfirma Gebrueder Volkart, ” in Hartmut Berghoof and Jörg Sydow, eds., Unternehmerische Netzwerke: Eine Historische Organisationsform mit Zukunft? (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2007), 71–96.

72 E. Rathbone to William Rathbone Jr., Greenbank, 1850 (no date given), in record group RP.IX.4.1–22, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 43; Weulersse, Le port du Havre , 88.

73 Smith, My Life-Work , 16.

74 See also Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1990 (Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell, 1990).

75 Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool , 66, 82; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain , 103; Bremer Handelsblatt , 1851, 6, 7; Minutes of the Meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce, Liverpool, October 29, 1824, in record 380 AME, vol. 1, American Chamber of Commerce Records, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton , 31, 39; Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers , 188; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire , 226; Daniel Lord Jr., “Popular Principles Relating to the Law of Agency,” Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine 1, no. 4 (October 1839): 338.

76 Lord, “Popular Principles Relating to the Law of Agency,” 338.

77 Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton , 43–46; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1850–51 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1851), 9. 将市场定义为机构有着悠久的历史; Gustav Schmoller and Werner Sombart said as much in the nineteenth century, as summarized in Geoffrey M. Hodgson, How Economics Forgot History: The Problem of Historical Specificity in Social Science (New York: Routledge, 2001), as did John A. Hobson, The Social Problem: Life and Work (New York: J. Pott and Company, 1902), 144; see also Douglass North, “Markets and Other Allocations Systems in History: The Challenge of Karl Polanyi,” Journal of European Economic History 6, no. 3 (1977): 710. Michel Callon has also argued that the state does not intervene in the market, but constitutes it; see “Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics,” in Michel Callon, ed., The Laws of the Markets (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers/Sociological Review, 1998), 40.

78 Arthur Redford, Manchester Merchants and Foreign Trade, 1850–1939 , vol. 2 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), 3–11; Minutes of the Meeting of October 22, 1821, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, record group M8, box 2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Minutes of the Meeting of February, 27, 1822, ibid.; Minutes of the Meeting of April 24, 1822, ibid.; Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1825 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1825), 8; Tenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1830 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1831), 4; Fifteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1835 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1836), 1; The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1856 (Manchester: James Collins, 1857), 10, 15; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire , 226; John Benjamin Smith, “Reminiscences,” typescript, dated August 1913, in John Benjamin Smith Papers, record group MS Q, box 923.2.S 33, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester.

79 Minutes of the Meeting of the Society of Merchants, August 19, 1794, in Papers of the Society of Merchants, record group M8, box 1/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Copy of the Minutes of the Deputation from the Manchester of Commerce, 1841, in John Benjamin Smith Papers, record group MS f, box 932.2.S338, Manchester Archives and Local Studies; Minutes of the Meeting of March 15, 1824, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, record group M8, box 2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies; Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors …for the Year 1825 , 5, 22. See also Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1827 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1827), 3; Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1828 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1829), 2; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–1827, Record group M8, Box 2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies.

80 Minutes of the Meeting of the Society of Merchants, February 27, 1794, in Papers of the Society of Merchants, record group M8, box 1/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Minutes of the Meeting of the Society of Merchants, March 5, 1795, in ibid.; Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors …for the Year 1828 , 4; Address, London March 5, 1803, in Scrapbook of William Rathbone IV, in record group RP.4.17, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool.

81 Report of the Proceeding of the Board of Directors of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce from the Time of Its Institution in the Year 1820 to the End of 1821 (Manchester: C. Wheeler and Son, 1821), 6, 9; Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1829 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1830), 5; The Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1859 (Manchester: Cave and Sever, 1860), 19, 35; 关于经济思想会影响经济这一点比较相近的叙述, see Michel Callon, “Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics,” in Callon, ed., The Laws of the Markets , 2.

82 Martin Murray to Baring Brothers London, Bombay, September 15, 1846, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, 9, in ING Baring Archive, London; Martin Murray to Baring Brothers London, Bombay, March 2, 1847, HC 6.3, 9, in ibid.; Hadziiossif, “La colonie grecque en Egypte,” 113; Ahmed Abdel-Rahim Mustafa, “The Breakdown of the Monopoly System in Egypt After 1840,” in Peter Malcom Holt, Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt: Historical Studies from the Ottoman Conquest to the United Arab Republic (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 291, 293, 296; Kenneth Cuno, The Pasha’s Peasants: Land, Society, and Economy in Lower Egypt, 1740–1858 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 125; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 37, 57, 65–66, 67, 77; Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community,” 168, 170.

83 This has been very well argued for the Italian case. See Enrico Dal Lago, Agrarian Elites: American Slaveholders and Southern Italian Landowners, 1815–1861 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005).

84 Beckert, The Monied Metropolis , 26.

85 John R. Killick, “Atlantic and Far Eastern Models in the Cotton Trade, 1818–1980,” University of Leeds School of Business and Economic Studies, Discussion Paper Series, June 1994, 1, 16; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 189, 191.

86 Eugene W. Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia During the Empire,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 15 (August 1973): 336, 348; Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 6. The uniqueness of the United States in this regard is often overlooked, but emphasized to good effect by Robin Einhorn, “Slavery,” in Enterprise and Society 9 (September 2008): 498.

第9章　一场震荡世界的战争

1 本章取材自 Sven Beckert, “Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War,” American Historical Review 109 (Dec. 2004), 1405–38. J. B. Smith (Stockport) in Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 754; élisée Reclus, “Le coton et la crise américaine,” La Revue des Deux Mondes 37 (January 1865): 176. The global population estimate is for the year 1850 and from Part 1, Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, The World at Six Billion (New York, 1999), 5, accessed February 14, 2013, http://www.un.org/esa/population/publications/sixbillion/sixbilpart1.pdf ; Dwijendra Tripathi, “A Shot from Afar: India and the Failure of Confederate Diplomacy,” Indian Journal of American Studies 10, no. 2 (1980): 75; D. A. Farnie, The English Cotton Industry and the World Market, 1815–1896 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 180; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861): 481; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 44, no. 6 (June 1861): 676; Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 32; Elijah Helm, “The Cotton Trade of the United Kingdom, During the Seven Years, 1862–1868, as Compared with the Seven Years, 1855–1861; With Remarks on the Return of Factories Existing in 1868,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 32, no. 4 (December 1869): 429.

2 Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861), 480; Douglass C. North, The Economic Growth of the United States (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1961), 40. The value of all exports of “U.S. merchandise” in 1860 was $316 million, while raw cotton exports amounted to $192 million. See U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), 885, 899; The Economist , January 19, 1861, 58; M. K. Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie sviazi Rossii so Srednei Aziei: 40–60-e gody XIX veka (Moscow: Izd. Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1963), 61; “Vliyanie Amerikanskoi Voiny na Khlopchatobumazhnoe delo v Rossii” (The Effect of the American War on the Cotton Business in Russia), Moskva 25 (1867), January 25, 1867; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, Erster Jahrgang, 1880 (Berlin: Puttkammer & Mühlbrecht, 1880), 87; U.S. Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department, Cotton in Commerce, Statistics of United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Egypt and British India (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), 29; the French numbers are for 1859, see Claude Fohlen, L’industrie textile au temps du Second Empire (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1956), 284, 514; M. Gately, The Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913 (Ann Arbor, MI: Xerox University Microfilms, 1968), 45; on the importance of the United States to world cotton markets see Gavin Wright, “Cotton Competition and the Post-Bellum Recovery of the American South,” Journal of Economic History 34, no. 3 (1974): 610–35; Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (New York: Basic Books, 1986).

3 The Economist , February 2, 1861, 117.

4 John Greenleaf Whittier, “The Haschish,” John Greenleaf Whittier: Selected Poems , Brenda Wineapple, ed. (New York: Library of America, 2004), 43–44. Thanks to George Blaustein for bringing this poem to my attention.

5 Herman Merivale, Lectures on Colonization and Colonies, Delivered Before the University of Oxford in 1839, 1840 & 1841 (London: Humphrey Milford, 1928), 301–2, 304–5; for a fascinating discussion of Merivale see Daniel Rood, “Herman Merivale’s Black Legend: Rethinking the Intellectual History of Free Trade Imperialism,” New West Indian Guide 80, no. 3–4 (2006): 163–89; see also Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1861), 4.

6 This point is also made by Sugata Bose, “Introduction: Beyond the General and the Particular,” in Sugata Bose, ed., South Asia and World Capitalism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 1–13; Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Aufstand in Indien (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1978), 270, originally published in 1853; Reclus, “Le coton,” 176, 187; Frank Lawrence Owsley and Harriet Chappell Owsley, King Cotton Diplomacy: Foreign Relations of the Confederate States of America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), 19; De Bow’s Review 30, no. 1 (January 1861): 75–76; James Henry Hammond, “Speech on the Admission of Kansas, under the Lecompton Constitution, Delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 4, 1858,” in James Henry Hammond, Selections from the Letters and Speeches of the Hon. James H. Hammond of South Carolina (New York: n.p., 1866), 317.

7 Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 37ff.; J. E. Horn, La crise cotonnière et les textiles indigènes (Paris: Dentu, 1863), 10.

8 For “treacherous foundations” see Fifth Annual Report of the Cotton Supply Association (Manchester: John J. Sale, 1862), 5; for “not to be safely trusted,” see Cotton Supply Reporter (May 15, 1861): 497; see also Cotton Supply Reporter (January 2, 1860): 7; John Gunn Collins, Scinde & The Punjab: The Gems of India in Respect to Their Vast and Unparalleled Capabilities of Supplanting the Slave States of America in the Cotton Markets of the World, or, An Appeal to the English Nation on Behalf of Its Great Cotton Interest, Threatened with Inadequate Supplies of the Raw Material (Manchester: A. Ireland, 1858), 5; Louis Reybaud, Le coton: Son régime, ses problèmes, son influence en Europe (Paris: Michel Levy Frères, 1863), 383; for similar concerns see “Cotton Cultivation in India,” Calcutta Review 37, no. 73 (September 1861): 87; Jay Sexton, Debtor Diplomacy: Finance and American Foreign Relations in the Civil War Era, 1837–1873 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 75; Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review: October, 1849–January, 1850 52 (London: George Luxford, 1852), 214.

9 For this argument see chapters 3 and 4 in Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850–1896 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

10 Quoted in Times of India , Overland Summary, March 12, 1863.

11 Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 44, no. 6 (June 1861): 675; for Lieber see Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861): 514; Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa: Introduction,” in Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 7.

12 Neil Ashcroft, “British Trade with the Confederacy and the Effectiveness of Union Maritime Strategy During the Civil War,” International Journal of Maritime History 10, no. 2 (December 1998), 155–76; Sam Negus, “‘The Once Proud Boast of the Englishman’: British Neutrality and the Civil War Blockade” (unpublished paper, Massachusetts School of Law, 2007, in author’s possession); on the “cotton famine” see also, among others, William Otto Henderson, The Lancashire Cotton Famine, 1861–65 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1934); Jahresbericht der Handelsund Gewerbekammer Chemnitz (1865), 6, as quoted in Michael Löffler, Preussens und Sachsens Beziehungen zu den USA während des Sezessionskrieges 1860–1865 (Münster: LIT, 1999), 302; Matthew B. Hammond, The Cotton Industry: An Essay in American Economic History (New York: Macmillan, 1897), Appendix. Even the Bradford worsted industry discontinued the use of now much more expensive cotton warp. See Mary H. Blewett, “The Dynamics of Labor Migration and Raw Material Acquisition in the Transatlantic Worsted Trade, 1830–1930,” in Donna R. Gabaccia and Dirk Hoerder, eds., Connecting Seas and Connected Ocean Rims: Indian, Atlantic, and Pacific Oceans and China Seas Migrations from the 1830s to the 1930s (Boston: Brill, 2011), 138–70.

13 Liverpool Mercury , January 14, 1861, 2; Liverpool Mercury , July 1862; Löffler, Preussens , 194–255.

14 尽管许多文献都强调1861年市场上棉花过剩，但 David g . Surdham 已经表明，欧洲的原棉库存并不特别大。1861年12月31日持有的存量相当于13.4周的工厂消耗量。See David G. Surdham, “King Cotton: Monarch or Pretender? The State of the Market for Raw Cotton on the Eve of the American Civil War,” Economic History Review 51 (1998): 113–32, esp. 119; on the glutted markets as a sign of crisis see for example Liverpool Mercury , October 6, 1863, 6; Farnie, English Cotton , 141–43; Moskva , February 1, 1867, the “organ of Moscow capitalists,” in V. Ya. Laverychev, Krupnaya Burzhuaziia V Poreformennoi Rossii: 1861–1900 (Moscow: Izd. Mysl’, 1974).

15 Charles Francis Adams Jr. to Henry Adams, Quincy, Massachusetts, August 25, 1861, in Worthington Chauncey Ford, ed., A Cycle of Adams Letters, 1861–1865 , vol. 1 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1920), 33; Nigel Hall, “The Liverpool Cotton Market and the American Civil War,” Northern History 34, no. 1 (1998): 154; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 49, no. 6 (December 1863): 411; for the statistics see Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), Appendix, Table 1; for the numbers see Liverpool Mercury , November 11, 1861, 3; Liverpool Mercury , February 22, 1864, 6; on the relief efforts in Lancashire see John Watts, The Facts of the Cotton Famine (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1866); Liverpool Mercury , February 22, 1864, 6; Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-First Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1861 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1862), 20; John O’Neil, diary entry, April 10, 1864, as cited in Rosalind Hall, “A Poor Cotton Weyver: Poverty and the Cotton Famine in Clitheroe,” Social History 28, no. 2 (May 2003): 243; “Memorial of the Unemployed Operatives of Stalybridge,” received February 23, 1863, in Various documents relating to the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts during the American Civil War, HO 45: 7523, Home Office, National Archives of the UK, Kew; “Facilities Required for Public Workers for the Employment of able-bodied Cotton Workmen at Ordinary Wages,” Minutes of the Central Executive Committee, May 25, 1863, in ibid.

16 See Liverpool Mercury, March 25, 1863 , 7; undated report, in various documents relating to the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts during the American Civil War, HO 45: 7523, Home Office, National Archives of the UK, Kew; William Rathbone to William Rathbone Jr., Green Bank, March 5, 1862, in letters of William Rathbone, RP.IX.4.1–22, Rathbone Papers, University of Liverpool, Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool; Times of India , Overland Summary, June 12, 1862, 2; see also Times of India , Overland Summary, September 27, 1862, 3, October 17, 1862, 3, October 27, 1862, 2. Indeed, by far the largest international contributions to the relief of the suffering of Lancashire workers came from Calcutta and Bombay respectively. See Watts, Facts , 164; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, May 2, 1863, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 13, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; M. J. Mathieu, De la culture du coton dans la Guyane française (Epinal: Alexis Cabasse, 1861), 47.

17 Arthur L. Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860,” Economic History Review 1, no. 2 (January 1928): 292–94; Lynn M. Case, ed., French Opinion on the United States and Mexico, 1860–1867: Extracts from the Reports of the Procureurs Généraux (New York: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1936), 123–25; Thomas A. Sancton, “The Myth of French Worker Support for the North in the American Civil War,” French Historical Studies 11, no. 1 (1979): 59, 66; Claude Fohlen, “La guerre de sécession et le commerce franco-américain,” Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 8, no. 4 (October–December 1961), 259–70; Alphonse Cordier, La crise cotonnière dans la Seine-Inférieur, ses causes et ses effets (Rouen, 1864), 8; Claude Fohlen, L’industrie textile au temps du Second Empire (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1956), 257–62; Stephen McQueen Huntley, Les rapports de la France et la Confédération pendant la guerre de sécession (Toulouse: Imprimerie Regionale, 1932), 222; Mathieu, De la culture , 1; Harold Hyman, ed., Heard Round the World: The Impact Abroad of the Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), 132; on the social impact of the crisis in France see A. S. Ménier, Au profit des ouvriers cotoniers: Pétition au Sénat sur la détresse cotonnière (Paris: E. Dentu, 1863).

18 Löffler, Preussens , 126, 147; Emerson David Fite, Social and Industrial Conditions in the North During the Civil War (New York: Macmillan, 1910), 84, 86; Gately, Development , 47. 进口到欧洲的棉花，其中大部分是从美国进口的，已经从将近250万磅下降到不到50万磅。Mariya Konstantinovna Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie sviazzi Rossii so Srednei Aziei, 40–60-e gody XIX veka (Moscow: Izd-vo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1963), 61–62; 据我所知，没有统计数字可以让我们确定美国棉花在这些出口中的确切百分比。然而，当时观察家们都同意，其中大部分来自美国——一个合理的估计是在80%到90%之间。Charles J. Sundell to William H. Seward, Stettin, May 15, 1863, Despatches from United States Consuls in Stettin, as quoted in Löffler, Preussens , 110.

19 John Rankin, A History of Our Firm: Being Some Account of the Firm of Pollock, Gilmour and Co. and Its Offshoots and Connections, 1804–1920 (Liverpool: Henry Young & Sons, Limited, 1921), 157; Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, August 24, 1863, in HC 3:35, Part 23, House Correspondence, Baring Brothers, ING Baring Archive, London. Baring Brothers & Co. was also the banker of the United States in London; see letter of Frederick William Seward to Thomas Haines Dudley, Washington, March 26, 1864, in Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, DC; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 49, no. 5 (November 1863): 350; Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Council , 1863 (Liverpool: Benson and Holmes, 1863), 18; John D. Pelzer, “Liverpool and the American Civil War,” History Today 40, no. 3 (1990): 49; Hall, “Liverpool Cotton,” 161; Samuel Smith, My Life-Work (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), 34; Liverpool Mercury , January 6, 1862, 6; Lowell Daily Citizen and News , January 9, 1862.

20 Quote from Times of India , October 6, 1863, 1; see also Times of India , Overland Summary, September 8, 1864, 2–3; Times of India Overland Summary reported negatively on the practice on September 29, 1863, 5–6; Pelzer, “Liverpool,” 52.

21 Chamber de Commerce de Rouen, Délibération de la chambre sur la formation de la Compagnie française des cotons Algériens (Rouen: Ch-F. Lapierre et Cie, 1862), 5, in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; Pétition à Sa Majesté l’Empereur Napoléon III, au sujet de la culture du coton en Algérie , Senones, February 13, 1862, in ibid.; Bulletin de la Société industrielle de Mulhouse 32 (1862), 347, as quoted in Fohlen, L’industrie textile , 347–48; the Mulhouse Chamber of Commerce even created a commission to look into the possibility of growing cotton in Algeria; see Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse , vol. 32 (1862), 346; Antoine Herzog, L’Algérie et la crise cotonnière (Colmar: Ch. M. Hoffmann, 1864); letter to the editor in L’Industriel Alsacien , December 25, 1862; Antoine Herzog to La Majesté, l’Empereur des Française, January 6, 1863, in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; p 来自许多其他棉花种植地区的陈情也纷纷上交到皇帝处; Pétition à Sa Majesté l’Empereur Napoléon III, au sujet de la culture du coton en Algérie, Senones, February 13, 1862, in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, contained in 15 cahiers , signed by manufacturers from all regions of France. For evidence on this pressure, see also at the same location letter of F. Engel-Dollfus, président de la commission d’encouragement à la culture du coton en Algérie, to Monsieur le Marechal Comte Randon Senateur, Ministre Secrétaire d’état au Departement de la Guerre, Mulhouse, April 8, 1862.

22 Liverpool Mercury , August 12, 1862, 7. 人们普遍都非常关注这个问题；例如，1862年 Gladstone 收到 E. Tennyson 夫人的一封信，信中她叙述了一个精心设计的计划，在这个计划中，一个专门设立的基金将向制造商偿还不断上涨的原棉成本，以便他们能够继续雇用工人; see “Memorandum by Mrs. E. Tennyson to Gladstone related to the cotton famine,” in Add. 44399 f. 188, vol. 314, Gladstone Papers, British Library, London; Liverpool Mercury , January 22, 1861, 2; William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 11, 1862, private letter, U.S. Consulate, Alexandria, Despatches from U.S. Consuls in Alexandria, National Archives, Washington, DC; Löffler, Preussens , 111; see Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 171 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1863), 1771–840; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 165 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 1155–230.

23 Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 78; Henry John Temple, Lord Palmerston to John Russell, Broadlands, October 6, 1861, Box 21, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; see the notes and reports, including report by unknown author, “Le coton à la côte occidentale d’Afrique,” n.d.; Note on Siam, n.d.; draft article, n.a., n.d., on “La culture du coton à la Guyana”; all in GEN 56/Folder 547, in Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France.

24 Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report , 21; for evidence of this pressure see also Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Third Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1863 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1866), 6; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1858–1867, M8/2/6, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1859–60 (Bombay: Chesson & Woodhall, 1860), xxxiii; for earlier efforts to increase cotton production in India see Anti-Cant, India v. America: A Letter to the Chairman of the Hon. East India Company, On Cotton (London: Aylott & Jones, 1850); John Briggs, The Cotton Trade of India with a Map of India, Coloured to Indicate the Different Spots Whereon all the Varieties of Cotton which are Brought into the British Market have been Successfully Cultivated (London: John W. Parker, 1840); Chapman, The Cotton and Commerce of India; The Cotton Trade of India (London, 1839); Thomas Williamson, Two Letters on the Advantages of Railway Communication in Western India, Addressed to the Right Hon. Lord Wharncliffe, Chairman of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway Company (London: Richard & John E. Taylor, 1846); John Briggs, The Cotton Trade of India: Part I. Its Past and Present Condition; Part II. Its Future Prospects: with a Map of India (London: John W. Parkter, 1840); Walter R. Cassels, Cotton: An Account of Its Culture in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: Bombay Education Society’s Press, 1862), 16–237; The Economist , February 2, 1861, 117.

25 Potter is quoted in Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report , 21; for evidence of this pressure see also Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report , 6; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1858–1867, M8/2/6, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Reclus, “Le coton,” 202; the British East Indies took a full 30.83 percent of all piece goods exported from the United Kingdom in 1860; see Ellison, Cotton Trade , 64; James A. Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Its Rise, Progress and Present Extent (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1968), 112; for the quote from Nagpore see anonymous letter to the editor of the Englishman , Nagpore, July 31, 1861, reprinted in Times of India , August 21, 1861, 3; Charles Wood to Sir Frere, October 30, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

26 Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 532; Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), 187.

27 For an account of the meeting see Liverpool Mercury , September 20, 1861, 7; see also Liverpool Mercury , September 23, 1861, 2; Charles Wood to Sir George Clerk, March 18, 1861, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 7, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Major E. K. Elliot, “Report Regarding the Cultivation of Cotton in Nagpore,” reprinted in Times of India , July 30, 1861, 3–4; “Cotton Cultivation in India,” Calcutta Review 37, no. 73 (September 1861): 89.

28 论印度法律基础设施建设的总体思路, see the important work by Ritu Birla, Stages of Capital: Law, Culture, and Market Governance in Late Colonial India (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009); on the contested history of law in colonial situations see the fabulous book by Lauren Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History, 1400–1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); as to crop liens see Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, in ibid.; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, September 23, 1861, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Record Group M8, folder 2/6, in Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; for the quote “making penal” see Charles Wood to W. J. P. Grant, May 9, 1861, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 7, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; for the efforts by manufacturers see Charles Wood to William Reeves, March 18, 1861, Letterbook, 18 March to 25 May, in ibid.; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, October 25, 1862, Letterbook, 3 July to 31 December 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Letter from Messrs. Mosley and Hurst, Agents to the Cotton Supply Association, to W. Greq, Esq, Secretary to the Government of India, June 20, 1861, reprinted in Times of India , July 18, 1861, 3; Charles Wood to W. J. Grant, May 9, 1861, in MSS EUR LB 7, F 78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. On the debates on the passage of a law that made the adulteration of cotton a crime, see the Times of India reporting in 1863, for example on Overland Summary, February 12, 1863, 6–7; also Times of India , Overland Summary, March 27,1863, 1; for pressures to change Indian contract law see Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Second Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1862 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1863), 13, 37; see Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; reprint of a resolution of the Home Department, February 28, 1861, Supplement to the Calcutta Gazette , March 2, 1861, in Papers relating to Cotton Cultivation in India, 106, Wood Papers, MSS EUR F 78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; some of the mechanisms are related well in John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Many Memories of Life in India, At Home, and Abroad (London: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1910), 165–93; for the debate during the war between manufacturers and government officials see also Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, October 25, 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, in ibid.; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 767; Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report , 26; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report; Liverpool Mercury , September 24, 1862, 6; Charles Wood to Sir George Clerk, March 18, 1861, in MSS EUR LB 7, March 18 to May 25, 1861, in F78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Peter Harnetty, “The Imperialism of Free Trade: Lancashire, India, and the Cotton Supply Question, 1861–1865,” Journal of British Studies 6, no. 1 (1966): 75–76; Dwijendra Tripathi, “Opportunism of Free Trade: Lancashire Cotton Famine and Indian Cotton Cultivation,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 4, no. 3 (1967): 255–63; Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Twelfth Annual Report of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce (Liverpool: Neson & Mallett, 1862), 6; M. L. Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton (Bombay: East India Cotton Association, 1947), 46–47; reprint of a resolution of the Home Department, February 28, 1861, Supplement to the Calcutta Gazette , March 2, 1861, in Papers relating to Cotton Cultivation in India, 106, Wood Papers, MSS EUR F 78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.

29 Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, October 25, 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Times of India , Overland Summary, January 14, 1864, 3; Charles Wood to Sir Charles Trevelyan, March 9, 1863, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 12, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report , 24明确指出了降低关税、增加兰开夏郡商品进口与提供更多原棉之间的联系；它还预计印度将成为英国制造的棉花产品的一个越来越重要的市场，而原棉的出口将支付这些进口的费用。

30 Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 767; on Wood’s “incompetence” see Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report , 26; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report; Liverpool Mercury , September 24, 1862, 6; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, January 10, 1863, in MSS EUR 78, LB 12, January 1 to April 27, 1863, Wood Collection, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Charles Wood to Viceroy Earl Canning, February 18, 1861, in MSS Eur F 78, LB 6, Wood Papers, British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Charles Wood to Sir George Clerk, March 18, 1861, in LB 7, March 18 to May 25, 1861, F 78, MSS EUR, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Peter Harnetty, “The Imperialism of Free Trade: Lancashire and the Indian Cotton Duties, 1859–1862,” Economic History Review 18, no. 2 (1965): 75–76; for debate as whole see Tripathi, “Opportunism,” 255–63.

31 The Economist , October 4, 1862, 1093–94.

32 Harnetty, “Imperialism, 1859–1862,” 333–49; Manchester, Forty-Second Annual Report , 11, 22; the superintendent is quoted in Times of India , February 12, 1863, 3; Silver, Manchester Men , 254.

33 U.S. Consulate General Calcutta to William H. Seward, Calcutta, October 28, 1864, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Calcutta to U.S. Secretary of State, National Archives, Washington, DC; Times of India , Overland Summary, February 12, 1862, 1, cites the following numbers of cotton exports from Bombay: In 1860 India exported 497,649 bales of cotton to Europe and 205,161 bales to China; in 1861 it shipped 955,030 bales to Europe and only 67,209 to China. See Times of India , October 3, 1862, 2; Harnetty, “Imperialism, 1861–1865,” 92; Mann, The Cotton Trade , 103, 112; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom in Each of the Last Fifteen Years from 1857 to 1871 (London: George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, 1872), 48–49; Fohlen, L’industrie textile , 287, 514.

34 对将“腹地”纳入全球经济的重要性以及这一进程的相对“滞后”的强调，见 David Ludden, “World Economy and Village India, 1600–1900,” in Sugata Bose, ed., South Asia and World Capitalism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 159–77; see Register of Invoices from the Consulate by Sundry Vessels bound for Ports in the United States, September 1863, in S 1040 (m168) reel 2, Despatches from United States Consulate General, Bombay, 1838–1906, National Archives, Washington DC; on the adjustment of machines, see letter from Mr. Baker, Inspector of Factories, to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on the Present State of the Cotton Districts, in various documents relating to the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts during the American Civil War, in HO 45: 7523, Home Office, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Neil Charlesworth, Peasants and Imperial Rule: Agriculture and Agrarian Society in the Bombay Presidency, 1850–1935 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 135; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom (London: George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, 1872), 48–49; Reichsenquete für die Baumwollen und Leinen-Industrie, Statistische Ermittelungen , Heft 1, 56–58; Mann, The Cotton Trade , 103, 112, 132; Times of India , Overland Summary, February 12, 1862, 1; Times of India , October 3, 1862, 2; Harnetty, “Imperialism, 1861–1865,” 287, 514; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1863–64 (Bombay: Pearse and Sorabjeem 1865), 1; Frenise A. Logan, “India: Britain’s Substitute for American Cotton, 1861–1865,” Journal of Southern History 24, no. 4 (1958): 476; see also Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Fourth Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1864 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1865), 18; B. R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics, 1750–1970 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), E14; Frenise A. Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market After 1865,” Journal of Southern History 31, no. 1 (1965): 40–50; Cotton Supply Reporter (April 15, 1861): 473, reprint of article from The Standard , Agra, March 6, 1861.

35 Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 46, no. 2 (February 1862): 166; Edward Atkinson, “The Future Supply of Cotton,” North American Review 98, no. 203 (April 1864): 481. Atkinson 没有被确定为作者，但他的作者身份从他与 Charles E. Norton 的通信中可以明确看出来。See N 297, Letters, 1861–1864, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

36 一位观察家认为，如果没有战争，埃及棉花产量的快速增长将需要半个世纪的时间; see Edward Mead Earle, “Egyptian Cotton and the American Civil War,” Political Science Quarterly 41, no. 4 (1926), 520–45, 522; for the conversion of cantars into pounds see E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 89, 382–83; I assumed here that one cantar equaled 100 pounds; see Atkinson, “Future Supply,” 481.

37 Estatísticas históricas do Brasil: Séries econômicas, demográficas e sociais de 1550 a 1988 (Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 1990), 346; they were urged on by the Manchester Chamber of Commerce and Lord Russell himself; see Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report , 8; Stanley S. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 43. The table on page 257 is based on information from Government of India, Annual Statement of the Trade and Navigation of British India and Foreign Countries and of the Coasting Trade between the Several Presidencies and Provinces , vol. 5 (Calcutta: Office of Superintendent of Government Printing, 1872); Government of India, Annual Statement of the Trade and Navigation of British India and Foreign Countries and of the Coasting Trade between the Several Presidencies and Provinces , vol. 9 (Calcutta: Office of Superintendent of Government Printing, 1876); Owen, Cotton , 90; Estatísticas históricas do Brasil , 346.

38 Orhan Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 162, 164, 165, 169; “Note of the Ministère de l’Algérie et des colonies,” Paris, December 23, 1857; Société anonyme, “Compagnie française des cotons algeriens” (Paris: Imprimé du corps legislatif, 1863), in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; see also Ministère de l’Algérie et des colonies, Direction de l’Administration de l’Algérie, 2ème bureau, Paris Décret, 1859, in Colonisation L/61, 2, Gouvernement Général de l’Algérie, Centre des Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence; “Culture du Coton,” by [illegible], Paris, July 19, 1859, in ibid.; Alejandro E. Bunge, Las industrias del norte: Contribucion al estudio de una nueva política economia Argentina (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1922), 209–10; Liverpool Mercury , November 9, 1863, 6; Thomas Schoonover, “Mexican Cotton and the American Civil War,” Americas 30, no. 4 (April 1974): 430, 435; William S. Bell, An Essay on the Peruvian Cotton Industry, 1825–1920 (Liverpool: University of Liverpool, Centre for Latin American Studies, 1985), 80; Liverpool Mercury , January 3, 1865, 6; for the importance of Chinese raw cotton imports see also Manchester, Forty-Fourth Annual Report , 16; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” draft article in R 1001/8224, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.

39 Manchester Guardian , May 13, 1861, 4; May 16, 1861, 3; May 17, 1861, 4; May 25, 1861, 5; Céleste Duval, Question cotonnière: La France peut s’emparer du monopole du coton par l’Afrique, elle peut rendre l’Angleterre, l’Europe, ses tributaires: L’Afrique est le vrai pays du coton (Paris: Cosson, 1864), 7; Queensland Guardian , April 3, 1861, as cited in Cotton Supply Reporter (July 1, 1861): 554; Bunge, Las industrias , 209–10; Liverpool Mercury , November 9, 1863, 6, January 3, 1865, 6; Manchester, Forty-Fourth Annual Report , 16; Donna J. E. Maier, “Persistence of Precolonial Patterns of Production: Cotton in German Togoland, 1800–1914,” in Allen F. Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 75; Peter Sebald, Togo 1884–1914: Eine Geschichte der deutschen “Musterkolonie” auf der Grundlage amtlicher Quellen (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1988), 30; O. F. Metzger, Unsere alte Kolonie Togo (Neudamm: J. Neumann, 1941), 242; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo.”

40 Samuel Ruggles, in front of the New York Chamber of Commerce, reprinted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 1 (July 1861): 83.

41 关于这些讨论，见 Henry Blumenthal, “Confederate Diplomacy, Popular Notions and International Realities,” Journal of Southern History 32, no. 2 (1966): 151–71; Carl N. Degler, One Among Many: The Civil War in Comparative Perspective (Gettysburg, PA: Gettysburg College, 1990); Hyman, ed., Heard Round the World ; Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton ; Bernarr Cresap, “Frank L. Owsley and King Cotton Diplomacy,” Alabama Review 26, no. 4 (1973); Charles M. Hubbard, The Burden of Confederate Diplomacy (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998); D. P. Crook, Diplomacy During the American Civil War (New York: Wiley, 1975); Howard Jones, Union in Peril: The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); Lynn M. Case and Warren F. Spencer, The United States and France: Civil War Diplomacy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970), 79; Löffler, Preussens ; 关于亲南方邦联的情感，见 Liverpool Mercury , June 24, 1861, 3, August 12, 1861, 2, September 20, 1861, 6, October 8, 1861, 5, October 15, 1861, 5, December 18, 1861, 6, April 18, 1862, 6; 关于施加压力要求承认南方邦联政府，见Liverpool Mercury , July 16, 1862, 5, November 19, 1862, 3. For a controversial debate on slavery see the letters to the editor to the Liverpool Mercury printed on February 7 and 9, 1863, both on page 3; Liverpool Mercury , May 21, 1863, 7; Pelzer, “Liverpool,” 46; for material support for the Confederacy see copy of letter from Thomas Haines Dudley, U.S. Consulate Liverpool, to Charles Francis Adams, Liverpool, May 4, 1864, in Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Thomas Haines Dudley to William H. Seward, Liverpool, September 3, 1864, in ibid.; Liverpool Mercury , May 3, 1864, 6. Fraser, Trenholm & Company, 离开利物浦，为南方邦联筹集资金，建造战舰，参加封锁行动，见 the Fraser, Trenholm & Company Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; 关于利物浦上任突破北方的封锁和南方邦联代理人做生意，购买棉花，见 Letter by W. Fernie, Liverpool, to Fraser, Trenholm & Co, B/FT 1/13, Fraser, Trenholm & Company Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. Also see Liverpool Mercury , February 4, 1863, 3; 关于曼彻斯特的情形 see Liverpool Mercury , May 23, 1863, 6; October 6, 1863, 6; October 17, 1863, 3; February 1, 1864, 7; 关于工人阶级的支持，见Liverpool Mercury , May 2, 1862, 7; August 9, 1862, 5. See also Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report , 21–22; Rapport de Bigorie de Laschamps, Procureur Général de Colmar, April 7, 1862, as cited in Case, ed., French Opinion , 258; Dunham, “Development,” 294; 关于棉花在法国民意和官方意见形成上的重要性 Case, ed., French Opinion , 257; Rapport de Bigorie de Laschamps, Procureur Général de Colmar, July 14, 1862, cited in Case, ed., French Opinion , 260; George M. Blackbourn, French Newspaper Opinion on the American Civil War (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997), 114; Donald Bellows, “A Study of British Conservative Reaction to the American Civil War,” Journal of Southern History 51, no. 4 (November 1985): 505–26; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 171 (1863), 1774; The Porcupine , November 9, 1861, 61; 更重要的是，Money Market Review 1861年5月声称邦联“得到联合王国商人的同情”; quoted in Liverpool Mercury , May 17, 1861; in December 1862, 利物浦商会经过长时间的激烈辩论后，通过了一项决议，要求修改国际法，保护公海上中立者的私有财产，实际上破坏了对南部港口的封锁; Liverpool Mercury , December 4, 1862, 5, December 11, 1862, 3; Tony Barley, Myths of the Slave Power: Confederate Slavery, Lancashire Workers and the Alabama (Liverpool: Coach House Press, 1992), 49; Liverpool Mercury , May 23, 1863, 6, October 6, 1863, 6, October 17, 1863, 3, February 1, 1864, 7; Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Council, 1862 (Liverpool: Benson and Mallett, 1862), 20; Brown Brothers and Company, Experiences of a Century, 1818–1918: Brown Brothers and Company (Philadelphia: n.p., 1919), 47.

42 然而，英国工人，特别是兰开夏郡的棉花工人，基本上不同意一些商人和制造商对南部邦联的同情，他们经常发言支持北方联盟，尤其是在林肯宣布解放黑奴的可能性之后。林肯本人在1863年初表达了他对兰开夏郡工人的支持的感激之情。有人对此有强烈的争论，见 Barley, Myths , 67–71; Philip S. Foner, British Labor and the American Civil War (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1981), and Jones, Union in Peril , 225; against this view, but now largely refuted, Mary Ellison, Support for Secession: Lancashire and the American Civil War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972).

43 Jones, Union in Peril ; Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton ; for the Confederacy, see W. L. Trenholm to Charles Kuhn Prioleau (Liverpool), New York, June 21, 1865, B/FT 1/137, Fraser, Trenholm & Company Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; on the importance of wheat imports to Britain, see for example William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 19, 1862, Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 171, June 30, 1863, 1795. For a far-flung debate on why not to recognize the Confederacy, see ibid., 1771–1842; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 167, June 13, 1862, 543; George Campbell, Duke of Argyll, to Lord John Russell, October 11, 1862, Box 25, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; on the Prussian desire for a strong United States to counterbalance British influence, see Löffler, Preussens , 59; see also Martin T. Tupper to Abraham Lincoln, May 13, 1861 (support from England), in Series 1, General Correspondence, 1833–1916, Abraham Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; for European pressures on Lincoln, see Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Lord Richard Lyons to Lord John Russell, Washington, 28 July 1863, in United States, Washington Legislation, Private Correspondence, Box 37, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, August 9, 1862, LB 11, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. American diplomats too were frequently reminded of Europe’s urgent need for cotton; Henry S. Sanford to William H. Seward, April 10, 1862, Seward Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, quoted in Case and Spencer, United States and France , 290; William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 19, 1862, Seward Papers; William L. Dayton to Charles Francis Adams, Paris, November 21, 1862, AM 15236, Correspondence, Letters Sent A-C, Box I, Dayton Papers, as quoted in Case and Spencer, United States and France , 371.

44 Sancton, “Myth of French Worker,” 58–80; for concerns about social upheaval and plans to improve the situation of unemployed cotton workers, see Ménier, Au profit ; on British workers’ collective action see Hall, “Poor Cotton Weyver,” 227–50; Jones, Union in Peril , 55, argues that both Gladstone and Lyons cited fears of social upheaval among textile workers as reasons to intervene in the American conflict; Address by William E. Gladstone on the Cotton Famine, 1862, Add. 44690, f. 55, vol. 605, Gladstone Papers, British Library, London; William E. Gladstone, Speech on the American Civil War, Town Hall, Newcastle upon Tyne, October 7, 1862, as quoted in Jones, Union in Peril , 182.

45 Jones, Union in Peril , 114, 123, 129, 130, 133; Lord Richard Lyons to Lord John Russell, Washington, July 28, 1863, in United States, Washington Legislation, Private Correspondence, Box 37, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, August 9, 1862, in LB 11, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Glyndon G. Van Deusen, William Henry Seward (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 330–31, Abraham Lincoln, “Annual Message to Congress,” December 3, 1861, in John George Nicolay and John Hay, eds., Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works, Compromising His Speeches, Letters, State Papers, and Miscellaneous Writings , vol. 2 (New York: Century Co., 1894), 94; “The Cabinet on Emancipation,” MSS, July 22, 1862, reel 3, Edwin M. Stanton Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. Thanks to Eric Foner for bringing this source to my attention.

46 William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 19, 1862, Seward Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Henry S. Sanford to William H. Seward, April 10, 1862, Seward Papers; William L. Dayton to William H. Seward, Paris, March 25, 1862, Despatches, France, State Department Correspondence, National Archives, Washington, DC. 拿破仑认为如果不能得到棉花，即将出现社会动荡。Thurlow Weed to William H. Seward, Paris, April 4, 1862, in ibid.; Imbert-Koechlim is quoted in Industrial Alsacien , February 2, 1862, as cited in Sancton, “Myth of French Worker,” 76; William L. Dayton to Charles Francis Adams, Paris, November 21, 1862, in AM 15236, Correspondence, Letters Sent A-C, Box I, Dayton Papers, quoted in Case and Spencer, United States and France , 371, also see 374; Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton , 16–17.

47 Charles Francis Adams Jr. to Henry Adams, Quincy, Massachusetts, August 25, 1861, in Ford, ed., A Cycle of Adams Letters , 34–35, 36.

48 关于这个有趣的故事，见 Ricky-Dale Calhoun, “Seeds of Destruction: The Globalization of Cotton as a Result of the American Civil War” (PhD dissertation, Kansas State University, 2012), 99ff., 150ff.; William Thayer to William Seward, March 5, 1863, Alexandria, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington DC. See also David R. Serpell, “American Consular Activities in Egypt, 1849–1863,” Journal of Modern History 10, no. 3 (1938): 344–63; William Thayer to William H. Seward, Despatch number 23, Alexandria, November 5, 1862, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington DC; William H. Seward to William Thayer, Washington, December 15, 1862, Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Ayoub Bey Trabulsi to William H. Seward, Alexandria, August 12, 1862, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington, DC; William Thayer to William H. Seward, April 1, 1862, in ibid.; for the dispatches to Seward on cotton see for example William Thayer to William H. Seward, Alexandria, July 20, 1861, in ibid.; William Thayer to William H. Seward, Despatch number 23, Alexandria, November 5, 1862, in ibid.

49 William H. Seward to William Thayer, Washington, December 15, 1862, Seward Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. See also Ayoub Bey Trabulsi to William H. Seward, Alexandria, August 12, 1862, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington, DC; William Thayer to William H. Seward, April 1, 1862, in ibid.

50 Baring Brothers Liverpool to Joshua Bates, Liverpool, February 12, 1862, in HC 35: 1862, House Correspondence, Baring Brothers, ING Baring Archive, London; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, August 9, 1862, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 11, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Dunham, “Development,” 295; Rapport de Neveu-Lemaire, procureur général de Nancy, January 5, 1864, as cited in Case, ed., French Opinion , 285–86; 其他地区也送回类似的报告。

51 Liverpool Mercury , January 4, 1864, 8; the general argument is also made by Tripathi, “A Shot,” 74–89; William H. Seward, March 25, 1871, in Olive Risely Seward, ed., William H. Seward’s Travels Around the World (New York: D. Appleton & Co, 1873), 401.

52 这是从阅读曼彻斯特商会的年度报告中得到的印象；对于棉花利益松了一口气的感觉，见 Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report , 17, 25; Liverpool Mercury , August 8, 1864, 7, August 9, 1864, 7, August 10, 1864, 3, August 31, 1864, 7, September 22, 1864, 7, October 31, 1864, 7. See also Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton , 137, 143; Atkinson, “Future Supply,” 485–86; John Bright to Edward A. Atkinson, London, May 29, 1862, Box N 298, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

53 Bremer Handelsblatt 12 (1862), 335.

54 The Economist , September 21, 1861, 1042; J. E. Horn, La crise cotonnière et les textiles indigènes (Paris: Dentu, 1863), 14; Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 42; Stephen S. Remak, La paix en Amérique (Paris: Henri Plon, 1865), 25–26; Bremer Handelsblatt , April 22, 1865, 142.

55 奴隶对解放斗争的重要性已经被许多历史学家很好地分析了；尤见 Ira Berlin et al., Slaves No More: Three Essays on Emancipation and the Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: HarperCollins, 2002); Steven Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2003); Steven Hahn, The Political Worlds of Slavery and Freedom (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009); on the contradictions of southern state formation and the weaknesses it wrought in war see also Stephanie McCurry, Confederate Reckoning: Power and Politics in the Civil War South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).

56 London Mercury , September 22, 1863, 7; Ravinder Kumar, Western India in the Nineteenth Century: A Study in the Social History of Maharashtra (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968), 35, 59, 151, 161; Maurus Staubli, Reich und arm mit Baumwolle: Export orientierte Landwirtschaft und soziale Stratifikation am Beispiel des Baumwollanbaus im indischen Distrikt Khandesh (Dekkan) 1850–1914 (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1994), 58, 68, 114–15, 187; Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), 55, 61; 在中亚，在很多年后，情况类似；John Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton in Imperial Russia,” American Slavic and East European Review 15, no. 2 (1956): 190–205; 关于战后南方经济的改变，见 Foner, Reconstruction , 392–411; Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 166–76; Wright, Old South , 34, 107; Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850–1890 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983).

57 W. H. Holmes, Free Cotton: How and Where to Grow It (London: Chapman and Hall, 1862), 18; Merivale, Lectures , 315; Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons, dated July 25, 1842, as cited in Alleyne Ireland, Demerariana: Essays, Historical, Critical, and Descriptive (New York: Macmillan, 1899), 150; The Economist , December 9, 1865, 1487, emphasis in original.

58 Holmes, Free Cotton , 16, 18, 22; Commission Coloniale, Rapport à M. le Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies sur l’Organisation du Travail Libre, Record Group Gen 40, box 317, Fonds Ministérielles, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; Cotton Supply Reporter (December 16, 1861): 722.

59 Holmes, Free Cotton ; Auteur de la paix en Europe par l’Alliance anglo-française, Les blancs et les noirs en Amérique et le coton dans les deux mondes (Paris: Dentu, 1862).

60 “为了重建而排演”这个主题取材自 Willie Lee Nichols Rose, Rehearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964); Liverpool Mercury , September 23, 1863, 6; 这也是利物浦越来越多的人的结论，到1863年，他们给Liverpool Mercury 的编辑写了越来越多的信，让人们听到他们反对奴隶制的声音；见Liverpool Mercury , January 19, 1863, 6, January 24, 1863, 7; Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1861); Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report , 33; Atkinson, “Future Supply,” 485–86.

61 早在1862年，Caird 先生就在众议院指出：“南方各州迄今为止从奴隶种植中获得的好处在很大程度上将会结束。”Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 167 (1862), 791; see Liverpool Mercury , January 3, 1865, 6, April 25, 1865, 6, May 13, 1865, 6; for prices, see John A. Todd, World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915 (1924), 429–32; XXIV.2.22, RP, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool; Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, July 19, 1865, in House Correspondence, HC 3 (1865), folder 35 (Correspondence from Liverpool House), ING Baring Archive, London.

62 Bremer Handelsblatt , June 17, 1865, 234–35; W. A. Bruce to Lord John Russell, May 10, 1865, in Letters from Washington Minister of Great Britain to Foreign Office, Earl Russell, 1865, in 30: 22/38, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; W. A. Bruce to Lord John Russell, May 22, 1865, in ibid.

63 August Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht im Wirtschaftsprogramm der deutschen übersee-Politik (Berlin: Verlag von Hermann Paetel, 1902), 28; 美国内战时期印度棉花生产扩张的一个重要议题是劳动力短缺问题；见Times of India , October 18, 1861, 3, February 27, 1863, 6; Zeitfragen , May 1, 1911, 1; Protocol of the Annual Meeting of the Manchester Cotton Supply Association, June 11, 1861, reprinted in “The Cotton Question,” Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45 (October 1861): 379; Liverpool Mercury , June 12, 1861, 3; Dharwar collecterate 轧花厂负责人于1862年5月报告说，”虽然本地棉花的种植可以扩展到相当大程度，但可用的劳动力数量不足以清理现在生产的棉花数量。”quoted in Times of India , February 12, 1863, 3; Bengal Hurkaru , May 11, 1861, as reprinted in Bombay Times and Standard , May 17, 1861, 3.

64 Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 530; Supplement to The Economist , Commercial History and Review of 1865, March 10, 1866, 3; Bremer Handelsblatt , April 22, 1865, 142; 当然，奴隶制本身在古巴、巴西和非洲等地繁荣了几十年；然而，总的来说，棉花不再由奴隶生产；见 Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts, The End of Slavery in Africa (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988).

65 Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 59–60; Mathieu, De la culture , 25.

66 Bremer Handelsblatt , October 14, 1865, 372.

67 The Economist , December 9, 1865, 1488; Eric Foner, Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983), 27–28.

68 Berlin et al., Slaves No More , 1–76.

69 Reclus, “Le coton,” 208.

70 Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, February 4, 1865, in House Correspondence, HC 3 (1865), folder 35 (Correspondence from Liverpool House), ING Baring Archive, London; Gore’s General Advertiser , January 19, 1865, as cited in Hall, “Liverpool Cotton,” 163; Indian Daily News , Extraordinary, March 8, 1865, clipping included in U.S. Consulate General Calcutta to William H. Seward, Calcutta, March 8, 1864, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Calcutta to U.S. Secretary of State, National Archives, Washington, DC; Letter from Calvin W. Smith to “Dear Friends at home,” Bombay, April 23, 1865, in folder 13, Ms. N-937, Calvin W. Smith Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston; Samuel Smith, My Life-Work (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), 35; Brown Brothers, Experiences , 49–50.

71 William B. Forwood, “The Influence of Price upon the Cultivation and Consumption of Cotton During the Ten Years 1860–1870,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 33, no. 3 (September 1870): 371.

72 Horn, La crise , 46.

第10章　全球重建

1 Frederick W. A. Bruce to Earl of Clarendon, British Secretary of State, Washington, DC, December 18, 1865, reprinted in Cotton Supply Reporter (February 1, 1866): 1795; Memorandum, W. Hickens, Royal Engineers, to Secretary of State, Washington, DC, December 18, 1865, in ibid.

2 Edmund Ashworth, as cited in Cotton Supply Reporter (July 1, 1865): 1675; Maurice Williams, “The Cotton Trade of 1865,” Seven Year History of the Cotton Trade of Europe, 1861 to 1868 (Liverpool: William Potter, 1868), 19. For more on Williams see Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 255.

3 Robert Ed. Bühler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen Englands, Frankreichs und Deutschlands in ihrer Baumwollversorgung” (PhD dissertation, University of Zürich, 1929), 3; Cotton Supply Reporter (June 1, 1865): 1658.

4 B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: The Americas, 1750–2005 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 391, 467, 547–49; Elijah Helm, “An International Survey of the Cotton Industry,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 17, no. 3 (May 1903): 417; Gavin Wright, “Cotton Competition and the Post-bellum Recovery of the American South,” Journal of Economic History 34, no. 3 (September 1974): 632–33. Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, The Fibre That Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 23, 25.

5 279页的图表是根据作者对19个国家（奥地利、比利时、巴西、加拿大、中国、法国、德国、印度、意大利、日本、墨西哥、荷兰、葡萄牙、俄国、西班牙、瑞典、瑞士、联合王国和美国）棉花锭子数据的分析得出的。由于来源的分散性和不一致性，这只是一个估计。有些数字是推断出来的。有关数字，请参阅 Louis Bader, World Developments in the Cotton Industry, with Special Reference to the Cotton Piece Goods Industry in the United States (New York: New York University Press, 1925), 33; Amiya Kumar Bagchi, Private Investment in India, 1900–1939 , Cambridge South Asian Studies 10 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 234; Javier Barajas Manzano, Aspectos de la industria textil de algodón en México (Mexico: Instituto Mexicano de Investigaciones Económicas, 1959), 43–44, 280; Belgium, Ministère de l’Intérieur, Statistique de la Belgique, Industrie (Brussels: Impr. de T. Lesigne, 1851), 471; Pierre Benaerts, Les origines de la grande industrie allemande (Paris: F. H. Turot, 1933), 486; Sabbato Louis Besso, The Cotton Industry in Switzerland, Vorarlberg, and Italy; A Report to the Electors of the Gartside Scholarships (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1910); George Bigwood, Cotton (New York: Holt, 1919), 61; H. J. Habakkuk and M. Postan, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of Europe , vol. 6 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 443; Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 301–7; Stanley D. Chapman, “Fixed Capital Formation in the British Cotton Industry, 1770–1815,” Economic History Review , New Series, 23, no. 2 (August 1970): 235–66, 252; Louis Bergeron and Jean-Antoine-Claude Chaptal, De l’industrie française: Acteurs de l’histoire (Paris: Impr. nationale éditions, 1993), 326; Melvin Thomas Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry of the United States (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1966), 19; see years 1878–1920 in Cotton Facts: A Compilation from Official and Reliable Sources (New York: A. B. Shepperson, 1878); Richard Dehn and Martin Rudolph, The German Cotton Industry; A Report to the Electors of the Gartside Scholarships (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913); Thomas Ellison, A Hand-book of the Cotton Trade, or, A glance at the Past History, Present Condition, and the Future Prospects of the Cotton Commerce of the World (London: Longman Brown Green Longmans and Roberts, 1858), 146–67; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 72–3; D. A. Farnie, The English Cotton Industry and the World Market, 1815–1896 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 180; Mimerel Fils, “Filature du Cotton,” in Michel Chevalier, ed., Rapports du Jury international: Exposition universelle de 1867 à Paris , vol. 4 (Paris: P. Dupont, 1868), 20; R. B. Forrester, The Cotton Industry in France; A Report to the Electors of the Gartside Scholarships (London: Longman, Green and Co., 1921), 5; “Industrie textile,” Annuaire statistique de la France (Paris, 1877–1890, 1894); Michael Owen Gately, “The Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913” (PhD dissertation, University of Kansas, 1968), 134; Statistisches Reichsamt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 24 (1913), 107; Aurora Gómez Galvarriato, “The Impact of Revolution: Business and Labor in the Mexican Textile Industry, Orizaba, Veracruz, 1900–1930” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2000), 23, 45; Great Britain, Committee on Industry, and Trade, Survey of Textile Industries: Cotton, Wool, Artificial Silk (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1928), 142; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, International Cotton Statistics , Arno S. Pearse, ed. (Manchester: Thiel & Tangye, 1921), 1–32; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations and Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 22; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations and Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of Japan and China, Being the Report of the Journey to Japan and China (Manchester: Taylor Garnett Evans & Co. Ltd., 1929), 18–19, 154; Italy, Ministero di Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio, “L’industria del cotone in Italia,” Annali di Statistica , series 4, no. 100 (Rome: Tipografia Nazionale di G. Bertero E.C., 1902), 12–13; Italy, Ministero di Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio, Annuario statistico italiano (Roma: Tip. Elzeviriana), see years 1878, 1881, 1886, 1892, 1900, 1904, and 1905–6; S. T. King and Ta-chün Liu, China’s Cotton Industry: A Statistical Study of Ownership of Capital, Output, and Labor Conditions (n.p.: n.p., 1929), 4; Sung Jae Koh, Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History of the Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China, and Korea (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966), 324–66; Richard A. Kraus, Cotton and Cotton Goods in China, 1918–1936 (New York: Garland, 1980), 57, 99; John C. Latham and H. E. Alexander, Cotton Movement and Fluctuations (New York: Latham Alexander & Co., 1894–1910); Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l’industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), 29; S. D. Mehta, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry, an Economic Analysis (Bombay: Published by G. K. Ved for the Textile Association of India, 1953), 139; B. R. Mitchell, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971) 185; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Europe, 1750–1993 (New York: Stockton Press, 1998), 511; Charles Kroth Moser, The Cotton Textile Industry of Far Eastern Countries (Boston: Pepperell Manufacturing Company, 1930), 50; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, Standard Cotton Mill Practice and Equipment, with Classified Buyer’s Index (Boston: National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, 1919), 37; Keijiro Otsuka, Gustav Ranis, and Gary R. Saxonhouse, Comparative Technology Choice in Development: The Indian and Japanese Cotton Textile Industries (Houndmills, Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1988), 6; Alexander Redgrave, “Report of Factory Inspectors,” Parliamentary Papers (Great Britain: Parliament, House of Commons, 1855), 69; J. H. Schnitzler, De la création de la richesse, ou, des intérêts matériels en France , vol. 1 (Paris: H. Lebrun, 1842), 228; Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 191; Guy Thomson, “Continuity and Change in Mexican Manufacturing,” in Jean Batou, ed., Between Development and Underdevelopment: The Precocious Attempts at Industrialization of the Periphery, 1800–1870 (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 280; John A. Todd, The World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 411; Ugo Tombesi, L’industria cotoniera italiana alla fine del secolo XIX (Pesaro: G. Frederici, 1901), 66; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Fabrics in Middle Europe: Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Switzerland (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1908), 23, 125, 162; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Goods in Canada (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1913), 33; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Goods in Italy (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1912), 6; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Goods in Russia (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1912), 9–11; United States, Bureau of the Census, Cotton Production and Distribution: Season of 1916–1917 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1918), 88; United States, Bureau of the Census, Cotton Production in the United States (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1915), 56.

6 The general point is also made by Herbert S. Klein and Stanley Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor: Notes on a Comparative Economic Model,” in Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Frank Moya Pons, and Stanley L. Engerman, Between Slavery and Free Labor: The Spanish-Speaking Caribbean in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), 260.

7 Commission Coloniale, Rapport à M. le Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies sur l’Organisation du Travail Libre, p. 61, in Record Group Gen 40, box 472, Fonds Ministérielles, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France.

8 胁迫的持续存在在下列著作中也有讨论：Lutz Raphael, “Krieg, Diktatur und Imperiale Erschliessung: Arbeitszwang und Zwangsarbeit 1880 bis 1960,” in Elisabeth Herrmann-Ott, ed., Sklaverei, Knechtschaft, Zwangsarbeit: Untersuchungen zur Sozial-, Rechts- und Kulturgeschichte . (Hildesheim: Olms, 2005), 256–80; Robert Steinfeld, Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Eric Foner, Nothing But Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983); Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, American Congo: The African American Freedom Struggle in the Delta (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003); Donald Holley, The Second Great Emancipation: The Mechanical Cotton Picker, Black Migration, and How They Shaped the Modern South (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2000), 104–5; Charles S. Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South Since the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 101.

9 Barbara Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture: The New South in a Bourgeois World,” in Thavolia Glymph et al., eds., Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 74; Southern Cultivator , February 26, 1868, 61.

10 Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1861); Commercial and Financial Chronicle (November 11, 1865): 611–12.

11 Southern Cultivator , January 24, 1866, 5; W. A. Bruce to Earl Russell, Washington, May 10, 1865, in Letters from Washington Minister of Great Britain top Foreign Office, Earl Russell, 1865 (Private Correspondence), 30/22/38, National Archives of the UK, Kew; J. R. Busk to Messrs. Rathbone Brothers and Co., New York, April 24, 1865, in Rathbone Papers, Record number XXIV.2.22, RP, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool; Commercial and Financial Chronicle (August 26, 1865): 258ff.; George McHenry, The Cotton Supply of the United States of America (London: Spottiswoode & Co., 1865), 25ff.; Bengal Chamber of Commerce, Reports, 1864–1866, 809, as cited in Frenise A. Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market After 1865,” Journal of Southern History 31, no. 1 (1965): 47; G. F. Forbes to Under Secretary of State for India, August 16, 1866, Secretariat Records Office, as quoted in Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market,” 49.

12 Bliss Perry, Life and Letters of Henry Lee Higginson , vol. 1 (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1921), 247, Southern Cultivator , May 26, 1868, 133, 135. For examples of this discussion see Southern Cultivator , February 25, 1867, 42; August 25, 1867, 258; October 25, 1867, 308; January 26, 1868, 12; May 26, 1868, 135; Joseph P. Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism in the Cotton Plantation South: Central Georgia, 1800–1880 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 137; Southern Cultivator , February 27, 1869, 51; Macon Telegraph , May 31, 1865.

13 Contract dated Boston, December 23, 1863, in various letters and notes, file 298, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston; Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), 53, 54, 58; Edward Atkinson to his mother, Washington, July 5, 1864, in various letters and notes, file 298, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.

14 Macon Daily Telegraph , May 31, 1865, 1; Joseph D. Reid Jr., “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response: The Post-bellum South,” Journal of Economic History 33, no. 1 (March 1973): 107.

15 Contract of January 29, 1866, in Alonzo T. and Millard Mial Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and History, as cited in Reid, “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response,” 108; Susan Eva O’Donovan, Becoming Free in the Cotton South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 127, 129, 131; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 48–50.

16 Foner, Reconstruction , 103, 104. 有人认为，在整个美洲，前奴隶希望“控制自己的劳动和进入自己的土地”。见 Klein and Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor,” 256; “A Freedman’s Speech,” Pennsylvania Freedmen’s Bulletin (January 1867): 16.

17 Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism , 144.

18 Foner, Reconstruction , 108, 134; Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism , 125, 150, 152; Amy Dru Stanley, “Beggars Can’t Be Choosers: Compulsion and Contract in Postbellum America,” Journal of American History 78, no. 4 (March 1992): 1274, 1285; Cobb, The Most Southern Place , 51; U.S. Congress, House, Orders Issue by the Commissioner and Assistant Commissioners of the Freedmen’s Bureau, 65, as cited in Stanley, “Beggars Can’t Be Choosers,” 1284.

19 Commercial and Financial Chronicle (November 11, 1865): 611–12; “A Freedman’s Speech,” Pennsylvania Freedmen’s Bulletin (January 1867): 115.

20 O’Donovan, Becoming Free , 162, 189, 224, 227, 240; Foner, Reconstruction , 138, 140; Cobb, The Most Southern Place , 51; James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), xv.

21 Gavin Wright, “The Strange Career of the New Southern Economic History,” Reviews in American History 10, no. 4 (December 1982): 171; Foner, Reconstruction , 174; Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture,” 84; Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism , 159; Southern Cultivator 25, no. 11 (November 1867): 358; Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South , 34ff. Cobb, The Most Southern Place , 55, 70; W. E. B. DuBois, “Die Negerfrage in den Vereinigten Staaten,” Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft 22 (1906): 52.

22 Reid, “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response,” 114, 116, 118; Grimes Family Papers, #3357, Southern Historical Collection, as cited in Reid, “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response,” 128–29.

23 Wright, “The Strange Career,” 172, 176. Cobb, The Most Southern Place , 102; Harold D. Woodman, “Economic Reconstruction and the Rise of the New South, 1865–1900,” in John B. Boles and Evelyn Thomas Nolan, eds., Interpreting Southern History: Historiographical Essays in Honor of Sanford W. Higginbotham (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987), 268; DuBois, “Die Negerfrage,” 41; C. L. Hardeman to John C. Burns, December 11, 1875, John C. Burrus Papers, Mississippi Department of Archives and History, as cited in Cobb, The Most Southern Place , 63; Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 36.

24 Wright, “The Strange Career,” 170, 172; John R. Hanson II, “World Demand for Cotton During the Nineteenth Century: Wright’s Estimates Re-examined,” Journal of Economic History 39, no. 4 (December 1979): 1015, 1016, 1018, 1019.

25 Southern Cultivator , January 26, 1868, 13; Telegram, Forstall and Sons to Baring Brothers, London, September 16, 1874, in record group HC 5.2.6.142, ING Baring Archive, London; O’Donovan, Becoming Free , 117; Cobb, The Most Southern Place , 91, 104, 114; Woodman, “Economic Reconstruction,” 173; Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism , 222, 225; Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South , 23.

26 Steven Hahn, “Class and State in Postemancipation Societies: Southern Planters in Comparative Perspective,” American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 83, 84, 96.

27 David F. Weiman, “The Economic Emancipation of the Non-slaveholding Class: Upcountry Farmers in the Georgia Cotton Economy,” Journal of Economic History 45, no. 1 (1985): 72, 76, 78.

28 Weiman, “The Economic Emancipation of the Non-slaveholding Class,” 84; DuBois, “Die Negerfrage,” 38; Ernst von Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft in den Nordamerikanischen Südstaaten, Zweiter Teil, Sezessionskrieg und Rekonstruktion (Leipzig: Dunker & Humboldt, 1906), 518, 661ff.; Foner, Reconstruction , 394.

29 Southern Cultivator , June 29, 1871, 221; Cobb, The Most Southern Place , 110; Jerre Mangione and Ben Morreale, La Storia: Five Centuries of the Italian American Experience (New York: Harper Perennial, 1992), 185; Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South , 61; E. Merton Coulter, James Monroe Smith: Georgia Planter (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1961), 9, 14, 17, 35, 37, 67–69, 84, 90.

30 Julia Seibert, “Travail Libre ou Travail Forcé?: Die ‘Arbeiterfrage’ im belgischen Kongo 1908–1930,” Journal of Modern European History 7, no. 1 (March 2009): 95–110; DuBois, “Die Negerfrage,” 44.

31 United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1976), 518, 899; United States Bureau of Statistics, Department of the Treasury, Cotton in Commerce: Statistics of United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Egypt, and British India (Washington. DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), 29; France, Direction Générale des Douanes, Tableau décennal du commerce de la France avec ses colonies et les puissances étrangères, 1887–96 (Paris, 1896), 2, 108; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 13 (Berlin: Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, 1892), 82–83; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom in Each of the Last Fifteen Years from 1886 to 1900 (London: Wyman and Sons, 1901), 92–93.

32 Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1865–66 (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1867), 213; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Africa, Asia and Oceania, 1750–2005 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 354; F. M. W. Schofield, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, September 15, 1888, 10, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos 6–8, April 1889, Fibres and Silk Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Statistical Abstract Relating to British India from 1903–04 to 1912–13 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1915), 188; Statistical Tables Relating to Indian Cotton: Indian Spinning and Weaving Mills (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1889), 59; Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 (Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), 54; Dwijendra Tripathi, “India’s Challenge to America in European Markets, 1876–1900,” Indian Journal of American Studies 1, no. 1 (1969): 58; Bericht der Handelskammer Bremen über das Jahr 1913 (Bremen: Hauschild, 1914), 38; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1865–66 (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1867), 213. The permanence of this change is also emphasized by Maurus Staubli, Reich und Arm mit Baumwolle: Exportorientierte Landwirtschaft am Beispiel des Baumwollanbaus im Indischen Distrikt Khandesh (Dekkan), 1850–1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994), 66; James A. Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Its Rise, Progress, and Present Extent (London: Simpkin, Marshall, 1860), 132; Statistical Abstracts for British India from 1911–12 to 1920–21 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1924), 476–77. 关于内战对印度的影响的许多文献中有一种不幸的倾向，把人们的观点局限于印度和英国之间的关系，完全忽略了印度和欧洲大陆以及日本之间更重要的原棉贸易。有关“帝国中心论”的观点，请参见例如 Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market,” and also Wright, “Cotton Competition.” 关于欧洲大陆市场的重要性，见 John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 (Bombay: Printed at the Education Society’s Press, 1869), 139; C. B. Pritchard, Annual Report on Cotton for the Bombay Presidency for the Year 1882–83 (Bombay: Cotton Department, Bombay Presidency, 1883), 2. 关于日本市场的重要性，见 S. V. Fitzgerald and A. E. Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, Amraoti District , vol. A (Bombay: Claridge, 1911), 192, in record group V/27/65/6, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. 关于欧洲进口印度棉花日益增多，见 Tripathi, “India’s Challenge to America in European Markets, 1876–1900,” 57–65; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom for Each of the Fifteen Years from 1910 to 1924 (London: S. King & Son Ltd, 1926), 114–15; John A. Todd, World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 45; 关于印度棉花在欧洲大陆普遍受欢迎的原因，见“Report by F. M. W. Schofield, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, 15 Sept. 1888,” in Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Fibres and Silk Branch, April 1889, Nos. 6–8, Part B, National Archives of India, New Delhi; A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, Bombay, Alkolale, June 11, 1874, Proceedings, Part B, June 1874, No. 41/42, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India; “Statement Exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India, 1895–96,” 109, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.

33 Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: The Americas , 227, 316.

34 International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 1927 (Manchester: International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, 1927), 28, 49; Arnold Wright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Egypt: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1909), 280; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Africa, Asia and Oceania, 1750–2005 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 265.

35 1866至1905 年间，巴西的纱锭数量增加到了53倍。关于巴西的讨论根据Estatísticas históricas do Brasil: Séries econômicas, demográficas e sociais de 1550 a 1988 (Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Instituto Brasileiro de Geogralica e Estatística, 1990), 346; on the number of spindles see Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 191; E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 90, 123, 124, 197; the permanence of this change is also emphasized by Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), 31; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 91; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt , 125.

36 Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 13, 114, 131; Alfred Comyn Lyall, ed., Gazetteer for the Haiderábád Assigned Districts Commonly called Barár (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1870), 161; Charles B. Saunders, Administration Report by the Resident at Hyderabad; including a Report on the Administration of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the year 1872–73 (Hyderabad: Residency Press, 1872), 12.

37 关于电报，见 Laxman D. Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 1850–1900 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 142, 152. India and Bengal Despatches, vol. 82, August 17, 1853, pp. 1140–42, from Board of Directors, EIC London, to Financial/Railway Department, Government of India, quoted in Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 142. 关于经费来源，见 Aruna Awasthi, History and Development of Railways in India (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1994), 92; General Balfour is quoted in Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 114. 关于铁路和曼彻斯特商品之间的关系，见 ibid., 155; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers , 248; Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1883–84, p. 2, in record group V/24, in Hyderabad Assigned Districts, India, Department of Land Records and Agriculture Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Jürgen Osterhammel, Kolonialismus: Geschichte, Formen, Folgen , 6th ed. (Munich: Beck, 2006), 10. The quote characterizing Khamgaon is from Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 173. The information on merchants is from John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Many Memories of Life in India, At Home, and Abroad (London: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1910), 166, 169; Times of India , March 11, 1870, 193, 199; “Report on the Cotton Trading Season in CP and Berar,” June 1874, record group Fibres and Silk Branch, No 41/42, Part B, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi.

38 Journal of the Society of Arts 24 (February 25, 1876): 260; Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 100; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 153.

39 Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 115.

40 Formation of a Special Department of Agriculture, Commerce a Separate Branch of the Home Department, April 9, 1870, 91–102, Public Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Douglas E. Haynes, “Market Formation in Khandeshh, 1820–1930,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 294; Asiatic Review (October 1, 1914): 298–364; report by E. A. Hobson, 11, in Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Fibres and Silk Branch, November 1887, Nos. 22–23, Part B, in National Archives of Inda, New Delhi. And indeed, by 1863 Charles Wood could observe that “the present state of things is diminishing the home spinning”; in Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, June 16, 1863 in MSS EUR F 78, LB 13, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; letter from A. J. Dunlop, Assistant Commissioner in Charge of Cotton, to the Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, Bombay, dated Camp Oomraoti, November 6, 1874, in Revenue, Agricultural and Commerce Department, Fibres and Silk Branch, Proceedings, Part B, November 1874, No. 5, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 146, 183; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers , 248; printed letter from A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Government of India, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce, Hyderabad, April 2, 1878, in Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1877–78, p. 6, in record group V/24, in Hyderabad Assigned Districts, India, Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.

41 Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 91; Charles Wood to Sir Charles Trevelyan, April 9, 1863, MSS EUR F 78, LB 12, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

42 Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 136–37, 180; Asiatic , June 11, 1872, in MS. f923.2.S330, Newspaper clippings, Benjamin John Smith Papers, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester. 同样在西北各省，棉花总种植面积从1861年的953076公顷增加到1864年的1730634公顷。见 Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market,” 46; George Watt, The Commercial Products of India (London: John Murray, 1908), 600; Times of India , December 10, 1867, as quoted in Moulvie Syed Mahdi Ali, Hyderabad Affairs , vol. 5 (Bombay: Printed at the Times of India Steam Press, 1883), 260.

43 Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 57.

44 Ibid., 66–71.

45 Ibid., 70.

46 Ibid., 62–63, 67, 71, 73; Great Britain, High Commissioner for Egypt and the Sudan, Reports by His Majesty’s Agent and Consul-General on the Finances, Administration, and Condition of Egypt and the Soudan (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1902), 24; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report: Egypt and Anglo-Egyptian Soudan (Manchester: n.p., 1921), 66.

47 Mitchell, Rule of Experts , 55, 63, 66, 72, 73, 76.

48 Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 85, 169; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers , 150. On the wastelands see Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 78. 卡尔·马克思已经明白，工厂主的核心需求是改善印度的基础设施，把棉花运到海岸。见 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Aufstand in Indien (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1978 [1853]), 264; Sandip Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” Journal of Historical Geography 38, no. 1 (2012): 14.

49 How to Make India Take the Place of America as Our Cotton Field (London: J. E. Taylor, n.d., probably 1863), 7.

50 Thomas Bazley, as quoted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861): 483; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 34, 47, 59, 62, 87, 91, 95; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers , 147, 226; A. C. Lydall, Gazetteer for the Haidarabad Assigned Districts, Commonly Called Berar (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1870), 96, in record group V/27/65/112, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” 12; Arno Schmidt, Cotton Growing in India (Manchester: International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners; and Manufacturers’ Associations, 1912), 22.

51 David Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine Policy in Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, c. 1870–1884,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 307; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 80–81; Meltem Toksöz, “The Çukurova: From Nomadic Life to Commercial Agriculture, 1800–1908” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2000), 75; Francis Turner, “Administration Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1876–77,” in record group V/24/434, Cotton Department, Bombay Presidency, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

52 Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 80, 161; Times of India , Overland Summary, January 14, 1864, 3.

53 Christof Dejung, “The Boundaries of Western Power: The Colonial Cotton Economy in India and the Problem of Quality,” in Christof Dejung and Niels P. Petersson, eds., The Foundations of Worldwide Economic Integration: Power, Institutions, and Global Markets, 1850–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 149–50.

54 International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt , 64; E. B. Francis, “Report on the Cotton Cultivation in the Punjab for 1882–1883,” Lahore, 1882, in record group V/24/441, Financial Commission, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

55 F. M. W. Schofield, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, September 15, 1888, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos. 6–8, April 1889, Fibres and Silk Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Samuel Ruggles, in front of the New York Chamber of Commerce, reprinted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 1 (July 1861): 83; Rivett-Carnac, Many Memories , 166, 168; Peter Harnetty, “The Cotton Improvement Program in India, 1865–1875,” Agricultural History 44, no. 4 (October 1970): 389; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 156ff.

56 Alfred Charles True, A History of Agricultural Experimentation and Research in the United States, 1607–1925 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1937): 41–42; 64, 184, 199, 218, 221, 251, 256; I. Newton Hoffmann, “The Cotton Futures Act,” Journal of Political Economy 23, no. 5 (May 1915): 482; Julia Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams: Irrigation and Cotton Growing in Southern Central Asia, 1860s to 1991 (unpublished manuscript, 2009), chapter 1, 66. 自1899年以来，埃及农业学校出版了一本《农业学会杂志》，以阿拉伯文提供这方面的资料。见Magazine of the Society of Agriculture and Agricultural School 1 (1899), in National Library, Cairo. See also L’Agriculture: Journal Agricole, Industrial, Commercial et Economique , published since 1891, mostly in Arabic, in National Library, Cairo; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt , 54.

57 F. M. W. Schofield, “Note on Indian Cotton,” 12, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, December 15, 1888, in April 1889, Nos. 6–8, Part B, Fibres and Silk Branch, National Archive of India, New Delhi; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 155; C. N. Livanos, John Sakellaridis and Egyptian Cotton (Alexandria: A. Procaccia, 1939), 79; Harnetty, “The Cotton Improvement,” 383.

58 Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” 7.

59 Bremer Handelsblatt , June 28, 1873, 229; W. F. Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft: Eine Kolonialwirtschaftliche und -politische Untersuchung (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1919), 99; E. S. Symes, “Report on the Cultivation of Cotton in British Burma for the Year 1880–81,” Rangoon, Revenue Department, record group V/24/446, in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

60 关于美国内战后的棉花出口情况，见“Cotton Production in Queensland from 1866 to 1917,” in A 8510–12/11, Advisory Council of Science and Industry Executive Committee, Cotton Growing, Correspondence with Commonwealth Board of Trade, National Archives of Australia; Adelaide Advertiser , January 11, 1904; Memorandum from Advisory Council to Commonwealth Board of Trade, September 13, 1918, in A 8510, 12/11, Advisory Council of Science and Industry Executive Committee, Cotton Growing, Correspondence with Commonwealth Board of Trade, National Archives of Australia; Theo Price, President, Price-Campbell Cotton Picker Corporation, New York to Advisory Council of Science and Industry, May 15, 1917, in NAA-A 8510–12/33, Advisory Council of Science and Industry Executive Committee, Cotton, Cotton Picker, National Archives of Australia; Sydney Evening News , March 17, 1920. 关于一般的论述，另见 Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen Englands,” 111.

61 See for example Rudolf Fitzner, “Einiges über den Baumwollbau in Kleinasien,” Der Tropenpflanzer 5 (1901), 530–36; Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft , 3.

62 See also Marc Bloch, “Pour une histoire comparée des sociétés européennes,” Revue de Synthèse Historique 46 (1928): 15–50.

63 Michael Mann, “Die Mär von der freien Lohnarbeit: Menschenhandel und erzwungene Arbeit in der Neuzeit,” in Michael Mann, ed., Menschenhandel und unfreie Arbeit (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2003), 19; Marcel van der Linden, Workers of the World: Essays Toward a Global Labor History (Boston: Brill, 2008), 18–32, 52–54.

64 Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture,” 74; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar , 95; Arnold Wright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Egypt: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1909), 281, 284; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt , 95; Arno S. Pearse, Brazilian Cotton (Manchester: Printed by Taylor, Garnett, Evans & Co., 1921), 75, 81; Michael J. Gonzales, “The Rise of Cotton Tenant Farming in Peru, 1890–1920: The Condor Valley,” in Agricultural History 65, no. 1 (Winter 1991): 53, 58; George McCutcheon McBride, “Cotton Growing in South America,” Geographical Review 9, no. 1 (January 1920): 42; Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 203, 246; Levant Trade Review 1, no. 1 (June 1911): as quoted in Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 182.

65 A. T. Moore, Inspector in Chief, Cotton Department, Report, in Proceedings, Part B, March 1875, No. 1/2, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India, New Delhi; David Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine Policy in Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, c. 1870–1884,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 307; A. E. Nelson, Central Provinces Gazetteers, Buldana District (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1910), 228; Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 272; Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft , 41, 67.

66 Klein and Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor,” 255–70. This was a different system of labor than the one that emerged in the global sugar industry after emancipation. There, indentured workers took on a prominent role. The difference is probably related to the fact that sugar production is much more capital-intensive than the growing of cotton, and, moreover, because there are efficiencies of scale in sugar that do not exist in cotton. For the effects of emancipation on sugar, see especially Rebecca J. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860–1899 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); David Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834–1922 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Frederick Cooper, Thomas C. Holt, and Rebecca J. Scott, Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Postemancipation Societies (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000).

67 Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 530; M. J. Mathieu, De la culture du coton dans la Guyane française (épinal: Alexis Cabasse, 1861); Le Courier du Havre , September 19, 1862, in Gen/56, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence. See also Cotton Supply Reporter (July 1, 1861): 554; Stephen S. Remak, La paix en Amérique (Paris: Henri Plon, 1865), 25–26. 关于苦力劳动力的问题，另见 Black Ball Line, Liverpool to Messrs. Sandbach, Tinne and Co., January 1, 1864, in Record Group D 176, folder A (various), Sandbach, Tinne & Co, Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; Klein and Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor,” 255–70; Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1981), 55, 61.

68 William K. Meyers, Forge of Progress, Crucible of Revolt: Origins of the Mexican Revolution in La Comarca Lagunera, 1880–1911 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 4, 6, 33–34, 48, 51.

69 Ibid., 40, 116–17, 120, 346; Werner Tobler, Die mexikanische Revolution: Gesellschaft-licher Wandel und politischer Umbruch, 1876–1940 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1984), 70ff.

70 Meyers, Forge of Progress , 123–25, 131; for Peru, see Michael J. Gonzales, “The Rise of Cotton Tenant Farming in Peru, 1890–1920: The Condor Valley,” Agricultural History 65, no. 1 (Winter 1991): 71; for Egypt, see Mitchell, Rule of Experts .

71 Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 99.

72 Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Second Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1862 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1863), 22; Rosa Luxemburg, “Die Akkumulation des Kapitals,” in Rosa Luxemburg, Gesammelte Werke , Band 5 (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1981), 311–12, 317; Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968), 72–75.

73 Jürgen Osterhammel and Niels P. Petersson, Geschichte der Globalisierung: Dimensionen, Prozesse, Epochen (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2003), 70.

74 Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 40, 42, 45, 54, 59, 62, 66, 67, 69; Osterhammel and Petersson, Geschichte der Globalisierung , 69. See also Sven Beckert, “Space Matters: Eurafrica, the American Empire, and the Territorial Reorganization of European Capitalism, 1870–1960” (article in progress); Charles S. Maier, “Consigning the Twentieth Century to History: Alternative Narratives for the Modern Era,” American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 807–31; Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, Report of the Committee, for Year Ending December 31, 1901 (Oldham: Dornan, 1902), 5, in record group 6/2/1–61m, Papers of the Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times (New York: Verso, 1994), 11; Jan-Frederik Abbeloos, “Belgium’s Expansionist History Between 1870 and 1930: Imperialism and the Globalisation of Belgian Business,” Munich Personal RePEc Archive Paper No. 11295 (posted October 30, 2008), accessed July 9, 2009, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/11295/ .

75 International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt , 31; Commission Coloniale, “Rapport sur l’organisation du travail libre,” in 317/Gen 40/472, Fonds Ministérielle, Centre des archives d’outre-mer; Procès verbaux des séances de la commission du travail aux colonies, 1873–1874, 1105/Gen 127/473, Fonds Ministérielle, Centre des archives d’outre-mer, “Régime du travail dans les colonies, rapport, 1875,” in 1152/Gen 135/475, Fonds Ministérielle, Archives d’outre-mer; Liverpool Mercury , September 23, 1863, 6; Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor: By a Cotton Manufacturer (Boston: A. Williams & Co, 1861), 478. See also John Bright to Edward Atkinson, London, May 29, 1862, Box N 298, ibid. Note from the Ambassade d’Espagne à Paris, no date, 994/Gen 117/474, Fonds Ministérielle, Archives d’outre-mer; copy of a report by R. B. D. Morier to the Secretary of State, The Marquis of Salisbury, October 12, 1889, Compilations, Vol. 51, 1890, Compilation No. 476, “Establishment by the Russian Government of a Model Cotton Plantation in the Merva Oasis,” Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Rinji Sangyo Chosa Kyoku [Special Department of Research on Industries], Chosen ni Okeru Menka ni Kansuru Chosa Seiseki [The Research on Cotton in Korea] (August 1918); No-Shomu Sho Nomu Kyoku [Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, Department of Agriculture], Menka ni Kansuru Chosa [The Research on Cotton] (March 1913).

76 许多其他国家也是如此。例如，在秘鲁，在内战和由此产生的产量大幅度扩大之后，佃农耕作和共享种植成为棉花生产的主要形式。见 Vincent Peloso, Peasants on Plantations: Subaltern Strategies of Labor and Resistance in the Pisco Valley , Peru (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); Michael R. Haines, “Wholesale Prices of Selected Commodities: 1784–1998,” Table Cc205–266, in Susan B. Carter, Scott Sigmund Gartner, Michael R. Haines, Alan L. Olmstead, Richard Sutch, and Gavin Wright, eds., Historical Statistics of the United States, Earliest Times to the Present: Millennial Edition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Peter Harnetty, Imperialism and Free Trade: Lancashire and India in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1972), 99.

第11章　大破坏

1 John R. Killick, “Atlantic and Far Eastern Models in the Cotton Trade, 1818–1980,” University of Leeds School of Business and Economic Studies, Discussion Paper Series, June 1994, 1; Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 (Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), n.p.

2 在这条线开通之际，英国总督本人把新的事态明确地与美国内战联系起来。“Opening of the Khamgaon Railway,” Times of India , March 11, 1870, reprinted in Moulvie Syed Mahdi Ali, Hyderabad Affairs , vol. 4 (Bombay: Printed at the Times of India Steam Press, 1883), 199. On Khamgaon see also John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 (Bombay: Printed at the Education Society’s Press, 1869), 98ff., 131; A. C. Lydall, Gazetteer for the Haidarabad Assigned Districts, Commonly Called Berar (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1870), 230, in record group V/27/65/112, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

3 Haywood to Messers. Mosley and Hurst, Manchester, May 15, 1861, as reprinted in Times of India , July 18, 1861, 3. Very similar also Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 530; “Cotton Districts of Berar and Raichove Doab,” India Office, London, to Governor in Council Bombay, December 17, 1862, Compilation No. 119, Compilations, Vol. 26, 1862–1864, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; J. B. Smith (Stockport) in Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates , Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 761; Cotton Supply Reporter (January 2, 1865); Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), 179; printed letter from A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Government of India, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce, Hyderabad, April 2, 1878, Hyderabad Assigned Districts, India, Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Reports, 1876–1891, record group V/24, file 4266, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

4 George Reinhart, Volkart Brothers: In Commemoration of the Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Foundation (Winterthur: n.p., 1926); The Volkart’s United Press Company Limited, Dossier 10, Volkart Archives, Winterthur, Switzerland. 关于从福尔卡特兄弟公司角度看印度棉花贸易的发展情况，见 Jakob Brack-Liechti, “Einige Betrachtungen über den indischen Baumwollmarkt aus älterer Zeit, 23.2.1918,” Volkart Archives; Salomon Volkart to “Bombay,” Winterthur, March 17, 1870, and Salomon Volkart to “Bombay,” Winterthur, May 27, 1870, in Correspondence of Salomon Volkart, second copy book, Winterthur, 1865–1867, Volkart Archives.

5 Hyderabad Assigned Districts, Land Records and Agriculture Department, Report on the Rail and Road-borne Trade in the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1894–95 (Hyderabad: Residency Government Press, 1895), Appendix B; Laxman D. Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 1850–1900 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 168; Hyderabad Assigned Districts, Land Records and Agriculture Department, Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1882–83 (Hyderabad: Residency Government Press, 1883), 4, record group V/24, Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Correspondence of Salomon Volkart, second copy book, Winterthur, 1865–1867, in Volkart Archives, Winterthur, Switzerland; The Volkart’s United Press Company Limited, Dossier 10, Volkart Archives; “Chronology of Events in Bombay,” in Dossier 3, Bombay 1:4, Volkart Archives; Walter H. Rambousek et al., Volkart: The History of a World Trading Company (Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag, 1991), 72; Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 , 50–51; printed letter from A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Government of India, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce, Hyderabad, April 2, 1878, in Hyderabad Assigned Districts, Land Records and Agriculture Department, Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1877–78 (Hyderabad: Residency Government Press, 1878), 4, in record group V/24, Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Kagotani Naoto, “Up-Country Purchase Activities of Indian Raw Cotton by Tōyō Menka’s Bombay Branch, 1896–1935,” in S. Sugiyama and Linda Grove, Commercial Networks in Modern Asia (Curzon: Richmond, 2001), 199, 200.

6 Christof Dejung, “The Boundaries of Western Power: The Colonial Cotton Economy in India and the Problem of Quality,” in Christof Dejung and Niels P. Petersson, eds., The Foundations of Worldwide Economic Integration: Power, Institutions, and Global Markets, 1850–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 148.

7 Douglas E. Haynes, “Market Formation in Khandeshh, 1820–1930,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 294; Asiatic Review (October 1, 1914): 294; C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), 138; Dwijendra Tripathi, “An Echo Beyond the Horizon: The Effect of American Civil War on India,” in T. K. Ravindran, ed., Journal of Indian History: Golden Jubilee Volume (Trivandrum: University of Kerala, 1973), 660; Marika Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community 1850 to 1880,” in K. N. Chaudhuri and Clive Dewey, eds., Economy and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1979), 163–96; Marika Vicziany, “The Cotton Trade and the Commercial Development of Bombay, 1855–75” (PhD dissertation, University of London, 1975), 170–71.

8 Arnold Wright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Egypt: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1909), 285; Alexander Kitroeff, The Greeks in Egypt, 1919–1937 (Oxford: Middle East Centre, Oxford University, 1989), 76, 86; Cinquante ans de labeur: The Kafr-El-Zayat Cotton Company Ltd., 1894–1944 , in Rare Books and Special Collections Library, American University in Cairo; Ekthesis tou en Alexandria Genikou Proxeniou tis Egyptou 1883–1913 (Athens: n.p., 1915), 169–70.

9 Meltem Toksöz, “The Çukurova: From Nomadic Life to Commercial Agriculture, 1800–1908” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2000), 103, 106, 120, 125, 137, 174, 191, 193, 245; W. F. Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft: Eine Kolonialwirtschaftliche und -politische Untersuchung (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1919), 9; William K. Meyers, Forge of Progress, Crucible of Revolt: Origins of the Mexican Revolution in La Comarca Lagunera, 1880–1911 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 48; Charles S. Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South Since the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 60.

10 L. Tuffly Ellis, “The Revolutionizing of the Texas Cotton Trade, 1865–1885,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 73, no. 4 (1970): 479.

11 Harold D. Woodman, “The Decline of Cotton Factorage after the Civil War,” American Historical Review 71, no. 4 (1966): 1220ff., 1236; Ellis, “The Revolutionizing of the Texas Cotton Trade,” 505.

12 Woodman, “The Decline of Cotton Factorage after the Civil War,” 1223, 1228, 1231, 1239; Bradstreet’s: A Journal of Trade, Finance and Public Economy 11 (February 14, 1885): 99–100; John R. Killick, “The Transformation of Cotton Marketing in the Late Nineteenth Century: Alexander Sprunt and Son of Wilmington, N.C., 1884–1956,” Business History Review 55, no. 2 (Summer 1981): 162, 168.

13 Killick, “Atlantic and Far Eastern Models in the Cotton Trade,” 17; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 280.

14 See, for example, Albert C. Stevens, “‘Futures’ in the Wheat Market,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 2, no. 1 (October 1887): 37–63; Jonathan Ira Levy, “Contemplating Delivery: Futures Trading and the Problem of Commodity Exchange in the United States, 1875–1905,” American Historical Review 111, no. 2 (April 2006): 314; Alston Hill Garside, Cotton Goes to Market: A Graphic Description of a Great Industry (New York: Stokes, 1935), 166. 关于不来梅导入期货贸易的讨论，见 W II, 3, Baumwollterminhandel, Archive of the Handelskammer Bremen, Bremen, Germany; Frankfurter Zeitung , February 4, 1914.

15 Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 214; Kenneth J. Lipartito, “The New York Cotton Exchange and the Development of the Cotton Futures Market,” Business History Review 57 (Spring 1983): 54.

16 Lipartito, “The New York Cotton Exchange,” 53; Garside, Cotton Goes to Market , 133, 166.

17 Garside, Cotton Goes to Market , 54–55, 68, 145.

18 Jamie L. Pietruska, “‘Cotton Guessers’: Crop Forecasters and the Rationalizing of Uncertainty in American Cotton Markets, 1890–1905,” in Hartmut Berghoff, Philip Scranton, and Uwe Spiekermann, eds., The Rise of Marketing and Market Research (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 49–72; Michael Hovland, “The Cotton Ginnings Reports Program at the Bureau of the Census,” Agricultural History 68, no. 2 (Spring 1994): 147; N. Jasny, “Proposal for Revision of Agricultural Statistics,” Journal of Farm Economics 24, no. 2 (May 1942): 402; H. Parker Willis, “Cotton and Crop Reporting,” Journal of Political Economy 13, no. 4 (September 1905): 507; International Institute of Agriculture, Bureau of Statistics, The Cotton-Growing Countries; Production and Trade (Rome: International Institute of Agriculture, 1922).

19 Sources for the data in the graph for the years 1820–1850 are: 1820—Tables of Revenue, Population, Commerce, &c. of the United Kingdom and Its Dependencies, Part I, from 1820 to 1831, Both Inclusive (London: William Clowes, 1833), 65, 67, 70; Richard Burn, Statistics of the Cotton Trade: Arranged in a Tabular Form: Also a Chronological History of Its Various Inventions, Improvements, etc., etc. (London: Simpkin, Marshall 1847), 1; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain , 63–64; T. Bazley, “Cotton Manufacture,” Encyclopaedia Britannica , 8th ed., vol. 7 (Edinburgh: Black, 1854), 453; Lars G. Sandberg, Lancashire in Decline: A Study in Entrepreneurship, Technology, and International Trade (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1974), 142, 145, 254–62; Andrew Ure, The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain; Systematically Investigated …with an Introductory View of Its Comparative State in Foreign Countries , vol. 1 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970), 65–70, 328; Andrew Ure, The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain; Systematically Investigated …with an Introductory View of Its Comparative State in Foreign Countries , vol. 2 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970), 328; I. Watts, “Cotton,” Encyclopaedia Britannica , 9th ed., vol. 6 (Edinburgh: Black, 1877), 503–4.

20 Amalendu Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts, 1800–1905: A Quantitative Macro-Study,” Calcutta Historical Journal 17 (1995): 44; Table No. 29, “Value of the Principal Articles of Merchandise and Treasure Imported into British India, by Sea, from Foreign Countries, in each of the Years ended 30th April,” in Statistical Abstracts Relating to British India from 1840 to 1865 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1867); Douglas A. Farnie, The English Cotton Industry and the World Market (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 101; Lars G. Sandberg, “Movements in the Quality of British Cotton Textile Exports, 1815–1913,” Journal of Economic History 28, no. 1 (March 1968): 1–27.

21 Diary of Voyage to Calcutta, Record Group MSS EUR F 349, box 1, Richard Kay Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Diary and notebook, Allahabad, 1820, in Record Group MSS EUR F 349, box 3, Richard Kay Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register , New Series, 16 (January–April 1835): 125; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53 (Bombay: Bombay Gazette Press, 1853), 23.

22 Elena Frangakis, “The Ottoman Port of Izmir in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries, 1695–1820,” Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 39, no. 1 (1985): 150; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 176; Patricia Davison and Patrick Harries, “Cotton Weaving in South-East Africa: Its History and Technology,” in Dale Idiens and K. G. Ponting, eds., Textiles of Africa (Bath: Pasold Research Fund, 1980), 189; G. P. C. Thomson, “Continuity and Change in Mexican Manufacturing,” in I. J. Baou, ed., Between Development and Underdevelopment (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 275; Robert A. Potash, Mexican Government and Industrial Development in the Early Republic: The Banco de Avio (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1983), 27; H. G. Ward, Mexico (London: H. Colburn, 1829), 60; Robert Cliver as cited by Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Global Trade and Textile Workers,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 570.

23 Gisborne to Joshua Bates, Walton, October 15, 1832, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, India and Indian Ocean, 1, ING Baring Archive, London; Ralph W. Hidy, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: English Merchant Bankers at Work, 1763–1861 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1949), 104; Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, August 1, 1836, House Correspondence, HC 3.35, 2, ING Baring Archive. The Brown Brothers engaged in the export of manufactured goods as well. D. M. Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade, 1820–1850” in J. R. Harris, ed., Liverpool and Merseyside: Essays in the Economic and Social History of the Port and Its Hinterland (London: Frank Cass & Co, 1969), 197; John A. Kouwenhoven, Partners in Banking: An Historical Portrait of a Great Private Bank, Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 1818–1968 (Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1967), 41; see also Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53 , 24; Letterbook, 1868–1869, in Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, record group MCK, box 2/2/23, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Letterbook, May 1814 to September 1816, in Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, record group MCK, box 2/2/5, John Rylands Library; Dotter to Fielden Brothers, Calcutta, October 17, 1840, in Correspondence Related to Commercial Activities, May 1812–April 1850, in Record Group FDN, box 1/15, papers of Fielden Brothers, John Rylands Library.

24 Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850: The Neglected Role of Factor Prices,” Economic History Review 62, no. 2 (May 2009): 285; Jim Matson, “Deindustrialization or Peripheralization? The Case of Cotton Textiles in India, 1750–1950,” in Sugata Bose, ed., South Asia and World Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 215.

25 Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53 , 23; J. Forbes Watson, Collection of Specimens and Illustrations of the Textile Manufacturers of India (Second Series) (London: India Museum, 1873), in Library of the Royal Asiatic Society Library of Bombay, Mumbai; Part A, No. 1, November 1906, 1, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi. Very similar also R. E. Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: n.p., 1897).

26 “Report on the Native Cotton Manufacturers of the District of Ning-Po” (China), in Compilations Vol. 75, 1887, Compilation No. 919, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; The Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1855 (Manchester: James Collins, 1856), 10–11; Contract Book, George Robinson & Co. Papers, record group MSf 382.2.R1, in Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 285; Matson, “Deindustrialization or Peripherialization?” 215; Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Aufstand in Indien (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1978 [1853]), 2; Konrad Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 216; T.G.T., “Letters on the Trade with India,” in Asiatic Journal (September–December 1832): 256, as quoted in Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 81–82. 有趣的是，Baines 赞许地引用了这些孟加拉商人的话。他没有提供这封信的任何来源，也没有提供这117个商人的任何名字。另见 Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 20.

27 Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts,” 56; quoted in Times of India , Overland Summary, July 8, 1864, 4; Times of India , Overland Summary, October 29, 1863, 1; see also J. Talboys Wheeler, Assistant Secretary to the Government of India, “Memorandum on the Effect of the Rise in Cotton upon the Manufactured Article,” December 15, 1864, as reprinted in Times of India , Overland Summary, January 13, 1865, 3.

28 A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, Bombay, Camp Oomraoti, November 6, 1874, 4, Proceedings, Part B, November 1874, No. 5, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India, New Delhi; V. Garrett, Monograph on Cotton Fabrics in the Hyderabad Assigned Districts (New Delhi: Residency Government Press, 1897), 3; Report by E. A. Hobson, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos. 22–23, November 1887, Fibres and Silk Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India; Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 35.

29 The Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1859 (Manchester: Cave and Sever, 1860), 22–23.

30 Nitya Naraven Banerjei, Monograph on the Cotton Fabrics of Bengal (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1898), 2, 8; “Final Report on the Famine of 1896/97 in the Bombay Presidency,” in 1898, Compilations Vol. 8, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

31 Donald Quataert, “The Ottoman Empire, 1650–1922,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 480; on China see the brilliant piece by Jacob Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun in Socialist China, 1949–1980,” in International Review of Social History (2012): 9–10; D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade, 1806–1914 (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1972), 16; Lars Sundström, The Trade of Guinea (Lund: Håkan Ohlssons Boktryckerei, 1965), 160; Part A, No. 1, November 1906, 1, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi.

32 Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” 185; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53 , 27; Report, Part C, No. 1, March 1906, Industries Branch, Commerce and Industry Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Tirthankar Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 266; M. P. Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry: Its Past, Present and Future (Calcutta: G. N. Mitra, 1930), 82.

33 Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 181; Quataert, “The Ottoman Empire, 1650–1922,” 479–80; for Africa, see Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 267; Part A, No. 1, November 1906, 3, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi.

34 Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 111.

35 Letter to the Secretary of the Revenue Department, Fort St. George, November 21, 1843, Revenue Branch, Revenue Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi.

36 Petition of the Weavers of the Chingleput District Complaining against the Loom Tax in the Madras Presidency, June 8, 1844, Revenue Branch, Revenue Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi.

37 Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” 259; Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts,” 55; Matson, “Deindustrialization or Peripheralization?” 215.

38 Papers relating to Cotton Cultivation in India, MSS EUR F 78, 106, Wood Collection, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. A similar story can also be found in Times of India , Overland Summary, August 24, 1863, 1. See also Memorandum by the Department of Agriculture, Revenue and Commerce, Fibres and Silk Branch, to the Home Department, Calcutta, June 24, 1874, in Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Fibres and Silk Branch, June 1874, No. 41/42, Part B, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Times of India , Overland Summary, April 27, 1864, 5, November 13, 1864, 3, and November 28, 1864, 1; Peter Harnetty, “The Imperialism of Free Trade: Lancashire, India, and the Cotton Supply Question, 1861–1865,” Journal of British Studies 6, no. 1 (November 1966): 92; Times of India , July 5, 1861, 3; Edward Mead Earle, “Egyptian Cotton and the American Civil War,” Political Science Quarterly 41, no. 4 (1926): 521; Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 66.

39 Orhan Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 165, 166, 168; Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), 55; Mitchell, Rule of Experts , 60–64.

40 Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 132; John Aiton Todd, The World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 429–32. David Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine Policy in Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, c. 1870–1884,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 303–33; Samuel Smith, The Cotton Trade of England, Being a Series of Letters Written from Bombay in the Spring of 1863 (London: Effingham, Wilson, 1863), 12–13; Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 32, 34; Meyers, Forge of Progress , 126; Jorge Raul Colva, El “Oro Blanco” en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Editorial Calidad, 1946), 15.

41 Data taken from “Index Numbers of Indian Prices 1861–1926,” No. 2121, Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1928, Summary Tables III and VI, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. 关于世界市场整合引起的新不确定性，另见 A. E. Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, Amraoti District , vol. A (Bombay: Claridge, 1911), 226, in record group V/27/65/6, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine,” 307, 313; Memo by the Department of Agriculture, Revenue and Commerce, Fibres and Silk Branch, to the Home Department, Calcutta, June 24, 1874, Proceedings, Part B, June 1874, No. 41/42, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Frenise A. Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market after 1865,” Journal of Southern History 31, no. 1 (1965): 46; 世卫组织援引 Sir Trevelyan 在1863年预算报表中的话说，“只有将以前用于粮食种植的大部分土地转用于出口产品的生产，才能满足出口产品的需求”cited in Iltudus Thomas Prichard, The Administration of India, From 1859–1868 , vol. 1 (London: Macmillan, 1869), 9; for Egypt see E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 159; for Brazil see Luis Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 31, 95–102, 105–8, 142; see also International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 1927 (Manchester: International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, 1927), 99.

42 Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 , 52.

43 Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil,” 105. 饥荒和棉花农业扩展之间的关系见 Sandip Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” Journal of Historical Geography 38, no. 1 (2012): 16. 关于19世纪末的饥荒的一般情况，见 Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World (New York: Verso, 2001), 7; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, Amraoti District , vol. A. “The scarcity of 1896–97 was caused by high prices and not by failure of crops,” reported the deputy commissioner of the Akola District (in Berar) to the Indian Famine Commission. See Indian Famine Commission, “Appendix, Evidence of Witnesses, Berar,” Report of the Indian Famine Commission (Calcutta: n.p., 1901), 43, 53. For the mortality figures see Indian Famine Commission, “Appendix, Evidence of Witnesses, Berar,” Report of the Indian Famine Commission , 54, 213. Total mortality between December 1899 and November 1900 was 84.7 per 1,000; see also Sugata Bose, “Pondering Poverty, Fighting Famines: Towards a New History of Economic Ideas,” in Kaushik Basu, ed., Arguments for a Better World: Essays in Honor of Amartya Sen (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 428.

44 Mitchell, Rule of Experts , 63–64; on the riots see Neil Charlesworth, “The Myth of the Deccan Riots of 1875,” Modern Asian Studies 6, no. 4 (1972): 401–21; Deccan Riots Commission, Papers Relating to the Indebtedness of the Agricultural Classes in Bombay and Other Parts of India (Bombay: Deccan Riots Commission, 1876); Report of the Committee on the Riots in Poona and Ahmednagar, 1875 (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1876); Roderick J. Barman, “The Brazilian Peasantry Reexamined: The Implications of the Quebra-Quilo Revolt, 1874–1875,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57, no. 3 (1977): 401–24; Armando Souto Maior, Quebra-Quilos: Lutas sociais no outono do império (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1978). 埃及农民也感受到了加税的压力，他们在这个过程中损失了他们在内战期间积累的大部分利润。See Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy , 144; W. H. Wyllie, Agent of the Governor General in Central India, to the Revenue and Agriculture Department, September 9, 1899, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos. 14–54, November 1899, Famine Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Wady E. Medawar, études sur la question cotonnière et l’organisation agricole en égypte (Cairo: A. Gherson, 1900), 16, 20–21; William K. Meyers, “Seasons of Rebellion: Nature, Organisation of Cotton Production and the Dynamics of Revolution in La Laguna, Mexico, 1910–1816,” Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 1 (February 1998): 63; Meyers, Forge of Progress , 132–34.

45 棉花问题对反殖民政治的重要性也可以追溯到 File 4, Correspondence, G. K. Gokhale, 1890–1911, in Servants of India Society Papers, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi; Correspondence, Sir Pherozeshah Mehta Papers, Nehru Memorial Library.

第12章　新棉花帝国主义

1 Department of Finance, 1895, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Koide, n.d.), 310; Department of Finance, 1902, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Koide, n.d.), 397; Department of Finance, 1920, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan , Part I (Tokyo: n.p., n.d.), 397; Tohei Sawamura, Kindai chosen no mensaku mengyo (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1985), 112; Chosen ni okeru menka saibai no genzai to shorai, n.d., mimeograph, Asian Reading Room, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; 关于日本开始在殖民时期的朝鲜增加棉花种植的原因略有不同的说法可参见 Carter J. Eckert, Offspring of Empire: The Koch and Kims and the Colonial Origins of Korean Capitalism, 1876–1945 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 134.

2 Dai-Nihon boseki rengokai geppo 173 (January 25, 1906): 1–2; Annual Report for 1907 on Reforms and Progress in Korea (Seoul: H.I.J.M.’s Residency General, 1908), 84; Eckert, Offspring of Empire , 134–5.

3 Eckert, Offspring of Empire , 134; Annual Report for 1912–13 on Reforms and Progress in Chosen (Keijo: Government General of Chosen, 1914), 153; Department of Finance, 1909, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Koide, n.d.), 629; Cotton Department, Toyo Menka Kaisha Lts., The Indian Cotton Facts (Bombay: n.p., n.d.), Japanese Cotton Spinners Association Library, University of Osaka.

4 Rinji Sangyo Chosa Kyoku [Special Department of Research on Industries], Chosen ni Okeru Menka ni Kansuru Chosa Seiseki [The Research on Cotton in Korea] (August 1918), 1; Eckert, Offspring of Empire , 134; No-Shomu Sho Nomu Kyoku [Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, Department of Agriculture], Menka ni Kansuru Chosa [The Research on Cotton] (Tokyo: No-shomu sho noji shikenjyo, 1905), 1–3, 76–83, chapter 2; Chosen sotokufu norinkyoku, Chosen no nogyo (Keijyo: Chosen sotokufu norinkyoku, 1934), 66–73.

5 Nihon mengyo kurabu, Naigai mengyo nenkan (Osaka: Nihon mengyo kurabu, 1931), 231, 233; Annual Report for 1912–13 , 145, 153; Annual Report for 1915–16 , 107; Annual Report for 1921–22 , 263; Department of Finance of Japan, Monthly Trade Return of Japan Proper and Karafuto (Sagalien) with Chosen (Korea) (Tokyo: n.p., 1915), 24–25.

6 For this shift of conceptions of sovereignty see Henry Sumner Maine, Ancient Law: Its Connection with the Early History of Society, and Its Relation to Modern Ideas (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1864); for a very interesting discussion on these issues see also Doreen Lustig, “Tracing the Origins of the Responsibility Gap of Businesses in International Law, 1870–1919” (unpublished paper, Tel Aviv University Law School, May 2012, in author’s possession). Resolution passed by the Manchester Cotton Supply Association, reprinted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 44, no. 6 (June 1861): 678; Arthur Redford, Manchester Merchants and Foreign Trade, 1794–1858 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1934), 217, 227; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition ; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association , vol. 73 (Waltham, MA: n.p., 1902), 182.

7 For the price increase and a very good exploration of these events and their import see Jonathan Robbins, “The Cotton Crisis: Globalization and Empire in the Atlantic World, 1901–1920” (PhD dissertation, University of Rochester, 2010), 41–54; see also Edmund D. Morel, Affairs of West Africa (London: William Heinemann, 1902), 191; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, “Unsere Kolonialwirtschaft in ihrer Bedeutung für Industrie, Handel und Landwirtschaft,” Manuscript, R 8024/37, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Various Letters, 1914, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; for the notion of a “second cotton famine” see Christian Brannstrom, “Forest for Cotton: Institutions and Organizations in Brazil’s Mid-Twentieth-Century Cotton Boom,” Journal of Historical Geography 36, no. 2 (April 2010): 169.

8 Morel, Affairs , 191; Edward B. Barbier, Scarcity and Frontiers: How Economies Have Developed Through Natural Resource Exploitation (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); John C. Weaver, The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World, 1850–1900 (Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2003).

9 Muriel Joffe, “Autocracy, Capitalism and Empire: The Politics of Irrigation,” Russian Review 54, no. 3 (July 1995): 367; Rosen is quoted in Mariya Konstantinovna Rozhkova, Ekonomich eskaia politika tsarskogo pravitel’stva na Srednem Vostoke vo vtoroi chetverti XIX veka i russkaya burzhuaziya (Moscow: Izd. Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1949), 100; 关于早先希望中亚能够为俄国提供棉花，见 Pavel Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii s Srednei Aziei (Saint Petersburg: Tipografia Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk, 1855), 18, 22, 25, 27; 纺织品制造商 Aleksandr Shipov 早在1857年就强调取得中亚棉花的重要性；见 Aleksandr Shipov, Khlopchatobumazhnaia promyshlennost’ i vazhnost’ eco znacheniia v Rossii , otd I (Moscow: T.T. Volkov & Co., 1857), 49–50; see Charles William Maynes, “America Discovers Central Asia,” Foreign Affairs 82, no. 2 (March/April 2003): 120; Mariya Konstantinovna Rozhkova, Ekonomiceskie svyazi Rossii so Srednei Aziei, 40–60-e gody XIX veka (Moscow: Izd-vo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1963), 54–55, tables 9–10.

10 Quote in Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie , 64–65, 150–52; a pood (or 35.24 pounds) of Asian cotton was sold for 7.75 rubles in 1861, but by 1863 the price had increased to more than 22 rubles; P. A. Khromov, Ekonomicheskoe razvitie Rossii v XIX-XX vekakh: 1800–1917 (Moscow: Gos. Izd. Politicheskoi Literatury, 1950), 183; 在一些地区，例如在 Erivan gubernia（高加索），内战期间棉花产量增加了近十倍，从1861年的30000 poods 增加到1870年的273000 poods；K. A. Pazhitnov, Ocherki istorii tesktil’ noi promyshlennosti dorrevolyutsionnoi Rossii: Khlopchato-Bumazhnaya l’no-pen’ kovaya i shelkovaya promyshlennost (Moscow: Izd. Akademii Nauk SSR, 1958), 98; Rozhkova, Ekonomiceskie , 55–61; see, 关于俄国中亚地区棉花农业的扩张，见, Joffe, “Autocracy,” 365–88; Julia Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams: Irrigation and Cotton Growing in Southern Central Asia, 1860s to 1991 (unpublished manuscript, 2009), chapter 1, 23; Moskva , February 1, 1867; 1866年1月8日，沙皇亚历山大二世收到了财政部长写的一份支持对中亚施加更大影响的备忘录，其中列出了一批俄国资本家的名字，包括一些著名的棉花业主，例如 Ivan Khludov & Sons, Savva Morozov & Sons, Vl. Tertyakov, and D. I. Romanovskii; see N. A. Khalfin, Prisoedinenie Srednei Azii k Rossii: 60–90 gody XIX v (Moscow: Nauka, 1965), 211; 关于对俄国帝国主义的一般讨论，见 Andreas Kappeler, The Russian Empire: A Multiethnic Empire (Harlow: Longman, 2001), 175, 193; Dietrich Geyer, Der russische Imperialismus: Studien über den Zusammenhang von innerer und auswärtiger Politik, 1860–1914 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977); Thomas C. Owen, “The Russian Industrial Society and Tsarist Economic Policy,” Journal of Economic History 45, no. 3 (September 1985): 598; Brigitte Loehr, Die Zukunft Russlands (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985), 73; Joffe, “Autocracy,” 372; Bruno Biedermann, “Die Versorgung der russischen Baumwollindustrie mit Baumwolle eigener Produktion” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1907), 106.

11 Shtaba L. Kostenko, Sredni aia Aziia i Vodvorenie v nei Russkoi Grazgdanstvennosti (Saint Petersburg: Bezobrazova i kom, 1871), 221; Thomas Martin, Baumwollindustrie in Sankt Petersburg und Moskau und die russische Zolltarifpolitik, 1850–1891: Eine vergleichende Regionalstudie (Giessen: Fachverlag Koehler, 1998), 213, 215; Scott C. Levi, The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia and Its Trade, 1550–1900 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 249; Jeff Sahadeo, “Cultures of Cotton and Colonialism: Politics, Society, and the Environment in Central Asia, 1865–1923” (presentation, American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies Annual Convention, Toronto, November 2003), 5; George N. Curzon, Russia in Central Asia in 1889 and the Anglo-Russian Question (London: Cass, 1967), 405–7; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 40–44; on irrigation see also Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams ; John Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton in Imperial Russia,” American Slavic and East European Review 15, no. 2 (April 1956): 194–95, 199; Moritz Schanz, “Die Baumwolle in Russisch-Asien,” Beihefte zum Tropenpflanzer 15 (1914): 8.

12 Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams , Chapter 1, 74ff.; 这些冲突最好在灌溉问题上加以讨论；见 Joffe, “Autocracy,” 369, 387; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 194, 198, 201; 1887年至1899年期间，俄国中亚、布哈拉和希亚省专门从事棉花农业的领土增加了五倍；Anlage zum Bericht des Kaiserlichen Generalkonsulats in St. Petersburg, December 26, 1913, R 150F, FA 1, 360, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; the “cotton colony” quote can be found in I. Liashchenko, Istoriia Narodnogo Khoziaistva SSSR , vol. 2 (Moscow: Gos. Izd. Polit. Literatury, 1956), 542; “Handelsbericht des Kaiserlichen Konsulats für das Jahr 1909,” in Deutsches Handels-Archiv , Zweiter Teil: Berichte über das Ausland, 1911 (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1911), 168; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 11; Annette M. B. Meakin, In Russian Turkestan: A Garden of Asia and Its People (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915), v; Ella R. Christie, Through Kiva to Golden Samarkand (London: Seeley, Service & Co., 1925), 204; Karl Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition nach Togo (no date, but probably 1900), 4–6, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Michael Owen Gately, “The Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913” (PhD dissertation, University of Kansas, 1968), 169.

13 August Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht im Wirtschaftsprogramm der deutschen übersee-Politik (Berlin: H. Paetal, 1902), 35, 36, 37, 41; Harper’s Weekly 报道称，“乌兹别克斯坦可以感谢美国内战”，因为它对棉花的强烈依赖；见 Harper’s Weekly , April 2002, 42.

14 Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht , 28.

15 Ibid., 13.

16 Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 12; “Cotton in British East Africa,” Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review , Third Series, 24 (July–October 1907): 84; Robert Ed. Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen Englands, Frankreichs und Deutschlands in ihrer Baumwollversorgung” (PhD dissertation, University of Zürich, 1929), 57.

17 Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, Report of the Committee, for Year Ending December 31, 1901 (Oldham: Dornan, 1902), 4, in Record group 6/2/1–61m, Papers of the Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 68; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906 (Manchester: Head Office, 1906), 8, 10; Correspondence, File 1, Files Relating to the Cotton Industry, British Cotton Growing Association, 2/5, OLD, Papers of the Oldham Textile Employers’ Association, 1870–1960, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Morel, Affairs ; for an excellent review of the activities of the British Cotton Growing Association, see Jonathan Robins, “‘The Black Man’s Crop’: Cotton, Imperialism and Public-Private Development in Britain’s African Colonies, 1900–1918,” Commodities of Empire Working Paper 11, The Open University and London Metropolitan University, September 2009; Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, Report of the Committee, for the Year Ending December 31, 1901 (Oldham: Thomas Dornan, 1902), 4, John Rylands Library, Manchester; File Empire Cotton Growing Association, 2/6, OLD, Papers of the Oldham Textile Employers’ Association, 1870–1960, John Rylands Library, Manchester; N. M. Penzer, Federation of British Industries, Intelligence Department, Cotton in British West Africa (London: Federation of British Industries, 1920); John Harris, Parliamentary Secretary of the Society, to E. Sedgwick, Boston, November 10, 1924, Papers of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, MSS. British Empire S22, G143, Bodleian Library of Commonwealth & African Studies, University of Oxford; John Harris to Maxwell Garnett, January 20, 1925, MSS. British Empire 522, G446, Papers of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, Rhodes House Library, Oxford; D. Edwards-Radclyffe, “Ramie, The Textile of the Future,” Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review , Third Series, 20 (July–October 1905): 47.

18 Frédéric Engel-Dollfus, Production du coton (Paris: Paul Dupont, 1867); Faidherbe 将军在1889年曾说：“种植棉花是殖民地成功最有力的因素。”, 见 General Faidherbe, Le Sénégal: La France dans l’Afrique occidentale (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1889), 102; Association Cotonnière Coloniale, Annexe au Bulletin No 3: Les coton indigènes du Dahomey et du Soudan à la filature et au tisage (Paris: Jean Ganiche, 1904); Charles Brunel, Le coton en Algérie (Alger: Imprimierie Agricole, 1910); 关于法国对殖民地棉花的兴趣，另见 Ed. C. Achard, “Le coton en Cilivie et en Syrie,” in L’Asie Française (June 1922), Supplement; Documents économiques, Politiques & Scientifiques, 19–64; Bulletin de l’Union des Agriculteurs d’égypte 159 (March 1925): 73–85; Catalogue of the Library of the Société Industrielle de Mulhouse, Mulhouse, France; Zeitfragen: Wochenschrift für deutsches Leben , May 1, 1911, 1.

19 Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850–1896 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 87–89; J. De Cordova, The Cultivation of Cotton in Texas (London: J. King & Co., 1858), 3, 9, 24; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Proceedings of a Convention Held in the City of New York, Wednesday, April 29, 1868, for the Purpose of Organizing the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters (Boston: Prentiss & Deland, 1868); New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association , vol. 73 (Waltham, MA: n.p., 1902), 187; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association , vol. 75 (1903), 191; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association , vol. 79 (1905), 159.

20 See also Henry L. Abbott, “The Lowlands of the Mississippi,” The Galaxy 5 (April 1868): 452; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Articles of Association and By-Laws Adopted by the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, April 29, 1868 (Boston: Prentiss & Deland, 1968); National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Held in the City of New York, Wednesday, June 30, 1869 (Boston: W. L. Deland & Co., 1869), 17; F. W. Loring and C. F. Atkinson, Cotton Culture and the South Considered with Reference to Emigration (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1869), 3; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association , vol. 76 (1904), 104. On Africa see Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 1; Records of the Togo Baumwollgesellschaft mbh, Record Group 7, 2016, Staatsarchiv Bremen, Bremen, Germany; Laxman D. Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 55; Thaddeus Raymond Sunseri, Vilimani: Labor Migration and Rural Change in Early Colonial Tanzania (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2002); Sven Beckert, “From Tuskegee to Togo: The Problem of Freedom in the Empire of Cotton,” Journal of American History 92, no. 2 (September 2005): 498–526; Edward Mead Earle, “Egyptian Cotton and the American Civil War,” Political Science Quarterly 41, no. 4 (1926): 520; Westminster Review 84, American Edition (1865): 228; Zeitfragen: Wochenschrift für deutsches Leben , May 1, 1911, 1; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen 1902/1903 (Berlin: Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, 1903), 5.

21 Moulvi Syed Mahdi Ali, ed., Hyderabad Affairs , vol. 3 (Bombay: n.p., 1883), 112, 404, 451; Manchester Guardian , June 30, 1882, 4; Earle, “Egyptian Cotton,” 544; Edward Roger John Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 89, 130, 141, 213ff., 247.

22 Meltem Toksöz, “The Çukurova: From Nomadic Life to Commercial Agriculture, 1800–1908” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2000), 204, 206, 228; Anthony Hall, Drought and Irrigation in North-East Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 4; Roger L. Cunniff, “The Great Drought: Northeast Brazil, 1877–1880” (PhD dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 1970), 79, 83, 87, 88, 89, 91–95; International Institute of Agriculture, Statistical Bureau, The Cotton-Growing Countries: Production and Trade (Rome: International Institute of Agriculture, 1922), 125.

23 Michael J. Gonzales, “The Rise of Cotton Tenant Farming in Peru, 1890–1920: The Condor Valley,” Agricultural History 65, no. 1 (Winter 1991): 53, 55; Oficina Nacional de Agricultura, El algodón, instrucciones agricolas (Buenos Aires: Penitenciaria Nacional, 1897), 1; Alejandro E. Bunge, Las industrias del Norte: Contribución al estudio de una nueva política económia Argentina (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1922), 212ff.; Heinz E. Platte, “Baumwollanbau in Argentinien,” Argentinisches Tagblatt 20, no. 1 (January 1924): 19.

24 Toksöz, “Çukurova,” 99; Weaver, Great Land Rush , 4.

25 See in general, Jürgen Osterhammel, Kolonialismus: Geschichte, Formen, Folgen , 6th ed. (Munich: Beck, 2009), 10–11; on the specifics see Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf ; United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Statistics Service, accessed April 28, 2009, http://quickstats.nass.usda.gov ; 由于没有关于1860年种植棉花的确切领土范围的数字，我假定生产力不变，以估计种植额外棉花所需的额外土地。南卡罗来纳州面积为20484000英亩。

26 Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 34ff., 57; Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf ; United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Statistics Service, accessed April 28, 2009, http://quickstats.nass.usda.gov ; Charles S. Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South Since the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 59; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), viii, 95, 99, 100; Gavin Wright, “Agriculture in the South,” in Glenn Porter, ed., Encyclopedia of American Economic History: Studies of the Principal Movements and Ideas , vol. 1 (New York: Charles Schribner’s Sons, 1980), 382; Devra Weber, Dark Sweat, White Gold: California Farm Workers, Cotton, and the New Deal (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 17–21.

27 U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstracts of the United States, 1921 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1922), 375; Randolph B. Campbell, Gone to Texas: A History of the Lone Star State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 306, 308, 311.

28 Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier (New York: Macmillan, 1967), 659, 666.

29 Howard Wayne Morgan, Oklahoma: A Bicentennial History (New York: Norton, 1977), 42, 81, 91, 48, 49, 58, 147; United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Statistics Service, accessed April 28, 2009, http://quickstats.nass.usda.gov ; U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau, “Agriculture, 1909 and 1910, Reports by States, with Statistics for Counties, Nebraska-Wyoming,” Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910 , vol. 7 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1913), 381; Eric V. Meeks, “The Tohono O’Odham, Wage Labor, and Resistant Adaptation,” Western Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (Winter 2003): 480; Daniel H. Usner, Indian Work: Language and Livelihood in Native American History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 55.

30 关于这个问题的讨论，见 Sven Beckert, “Space Matters: Eurafrica, the American Empire, and the Territorialization of European Capitalism, 1870–1940” (article in progress).

31 Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahr-hundert: Eine historische Modellstudie zur empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 29–30, 73; Wilhelm Rieger, Verzeichnis der im Deutschen Reiche auf Baumwolle laufenden Spindeln und Webstühle (Stuttgart: Wilhelm Rieger, 1909), 72; for different and slightly lower numbers, see Wolfram Fischer, Statistik der Bergbauproduktion Deutschland 1850–1914 (St. Kathatinen: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1989), 403; Handbuch der Wirtschaftskunde Deutschlands , vol. 3 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1904), 602; 确实令人着迷的是，在许多方面，更重要的棉花产业在我们对19世纪末德国的历史记忆中所起的作用要小得多。另见 Karl Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition nach Togo (no date, but probably 1900), 4–6, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 23 (Berlin: Puttkammer & Mühlbrecht, 1902), 24; 1903年，殖民地经济委员会报告，德国有100万工人依赖棉花产业；看见 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale , 5; 棉花产业的产值1913年达到22亿马克，成为德国最重要的产业之一。见 Andor Kertész, Die Textilindustrie Deutschlands im Welthandel (Braunschweig: F. Vieweg, 1915), 13. See also Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 22 (Berlin: n.p., 1901), 135; Thaddeus Sunseri, “The Baumwollfrage: Cotton Colonialism in German East Africa,” Central European History 34, no. 1 (March 2001): 35; for import statistics see Reichs-Enquete für die Baumwollen-und Leinen-Industrie, Statistische Ermittelungen I, Heft 1, 56–58; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 1 (Berlin: n.p., 1880), 87; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 20 (Berlin: n.p., 1899), 91.

32 See, for example, Ernst Henrici, “Die wirtschaftliche Nutzbarmachung des Togogebietes,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 3 (July 1899): 320; Sven Beckert, “Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War,” American Historical Review 109, no. 5 (December 2004): 1427; C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 161–65; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 15 (Berlin: n.p., 1894), 45; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich , vol. 20 (Berlin: n.p., 1899), 91.

33 R. Hennings, “Der Baumwollkulturkampf,” in Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft , vol. 7 (1905), 906–14; Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 32; “Die Arbeit des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees, 1896–1914,” file 579, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 49; on German demand for colonial cotton see also Verband Deutscher Baumwollgarn-Verbraucher an v. Lindequist, Reichskolonialamt, Dresden, October 22, 1910, file 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.

34 Buehler, “Die Unabhälgigkeitsbestrebungen,” 23, 39; Biedermann, “Die Versorg-ung,” 9; Bericht der Handelskammer in Bremen für das Jahr 1904 an den Kaufmannskonvent (Bremen: H. M. Hausschild, 1905), 30.

35 Department of Finance, 1920, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan , Part I (Tokyo: n.p., n.d.), 397; Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 31; Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 8.

36 Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 4–6, 8; E. Henrici, “Der Baumwollbau in den deutschen Kolonien,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 3 (November 1899): 535–36. On Henrici see Herrmann A. L. Degener, Unsere Zeitgenossen, Wer Ist’s?: Biographien nebst Bibliographien (Leipzig: n.p., 1911); calls for economic autarky are also reflected in “Einleitung,” Beihefte Zum Tropenpflanzer 16, no. 1/2 (February 1916): 1–3, 71–73, 175–77; Karl Helfferich, “Die Baumwollfrage: Ein Weltwirtschaftliches Problem,” Marine-Rundschau 15 (1904): 652; Karl Supf, “Bericht IV, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 1903–1904” (1904), reprinted in Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 8 (December 1904): 615; “Die Arbeit des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees, 1896–1914.”

37 Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 33; O. F. Metzger, Unsere Alte Kolonie Togo (Neudamm: Neumann, 1941), 242; “Bericht über den Baumwollbau in Togo,” enclosure in Kaiserliches Gouvernement Togo, Gouverneur Zech to Reichskolonialamt Berlin, November 23, 1909, 1, 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” undated draft of an article, 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin, [illegible] to von Bismark, March 26, 1890, file 8220, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Tony Smith, Pattern of Imperialism: The United States, Great Britain, and the Late-Industrializing World Since 1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 15, 35; Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (New York: Pantheon, 1987), 34–55; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” in Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism , 8–9; Leroy Vail and Landeg White, “‘Tawani, Machambero!’: Forced Cotton and Rice Growing on the Zambezi,” Journal of African History 19, no. 2 (1978): 244.

38 Kendahl Radcliffe, “The Tuskegee-Togo Cotton Scheme, 1900–1909” (PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1998), 16; on Ferdinand Goldberg see “Baumwollen- und sonstige Kulturen im Togo-Gebiet,” Deutsches Kolonialblatt 2 (1891): 320–21; more generally on German interests in colonial cotton see Donna J. E. Maier, “Persistence of Precolonial Patterns of Production: Cotton in German Togoland, 1800–1914,” in Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism , 81; Peter Sebald, Togo 1884–1914: Eine Geschichte der deutschen “Musterkolonie” auf der Grund-lage amtlicher Quellen (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1988), 433; for a more complete rendering of this story see Sven Beckert, “From Tuskegee to Togo: The Problem of Freedom in the Empire of Cotton, Journal of American History 92 (September 2005),” 498–526; for a list of these plantations see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee to Handelskammer Bremen, Berlin, July 23, 1913, in “Baumwollterminhandel,” record group W II, 3, Handelskammer Bremen, Bremen, Germany; Sunseri, Vilimani , 1–25; Gerhard Bleifuss and Gerhard Hergenröder, Die “Otto-Plantage Kilossa” (1907–1914): Aufbau und Ende eines kolonialen Unternehmens in Deutsch-Ostafrika (Wendlingen: Schriftenreihe zur Stadtgeschichte, 1993), 43, 59.

39 “Encouragement pour la Culture aux colonies, du cotton etc. (1906–1908),” 9 AFFECO, Affairs économique, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence; for the quote, see Reseignements sur la Culture du Coton, 1917, in 9 AFFECO, Affairs économique, Archives d’outre-mer; Marie Philiponeau, Le coton et l’Islam: Fil d’une histoire africaine (Algiers: Casbah Editions, 2009), 114; Thomas J. Bassett, The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Côte d’Ivoire, 1880–1995 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 51, 52; Richard Roberts, “The Coercion of Free Markets: Cotton, Peasants, and the Colonial State in the French Soudan, 1924–1932,” in Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism , 222; Vail and White, “Tawani, Machambero,” 241; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 193 0/31 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1931), 108, accessed August 3, 2009, http://digital.library.northwestern.edu/league/le0267ag.pdf ; A. Brixhe, Le coton au Congo Belge (Bruxelles: Direction de l’agriculture, des forêts et de l’élevage du Ministère des colonies, 1953), 13, 15, 19; Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf .

40 Hutton, as quoted in Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop,” 15; Cyril Ehrlich, “The Marketing of Cotton in Uganda, 1900–1950: A Case Study of Colonial Government Economic Policy” (PhD dissertation, University of London, 1958), 12, 13; Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 122; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906 (Manchester: Head Office, 1906), 23; on the British Cotton Growing Association see Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop”; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906 , 32; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 193 0/31 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1931), 108; Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf .

41 Josef Partsch, ed., Geographie des Welthandels (Breslau: Hirt, 1927), 209; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: The Americas, 1750–1993 (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 2007), 222, 224, 227, 228; John A. Todd, The World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 395ff. 421; Heinrich Kuhn, Die Baumwolle: Ihre Cultur, Structur und Verbreitung (Wien: Hartleben, 1892), 69; John C. Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil; The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation; Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1885), 23–27; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, The Year Book of the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Cotton Manufacturers Manual (1922), 83, accessed August 3, 2009, http://ia311228.us.archive.org/1/items/yearbookofnation1922nati/yearbookofnation1922nati.pdf ; International Institute of Agriculture, Statistical Bureau, The Cotton-Growing Countries: Production and Trade (Rome: International Institute of Agriculture, 1922), 127; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 1939/40 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1940), 122; United Nations, Department for Economic and Social Affairs, Statistics Division, Statistical Yearbook , vol. 4 (New York: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistical Office, United Nations, 1952), 72; United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Table 04 Cotton Area, Yield, and Production, accessed August 3, 2009, http://www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdReport.aspx?hidReportRetrievalName=Table+04+Cotton+Area%2c+Yield%2c+and+Production&hidReportRetrievalID=851&hidReportRetrievalTemplateID=1 ; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 3.

42 Revue des cultures coloniales 12–13 (1903): 302.

43 关于中亚，见 Richard A. Pierce, Russian Central Asia, 1867–1917: A Study in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), 135–36; Toksöz, “Çukurova,” 1, 13, 37, 79; Osterhammel, Kolonialismus , 17ff.

44 Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii , 25; Kostenko, Sredniaia Aziia , 213.

45 Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii , 25; Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie , 68; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 199, 200; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 88, 368; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 72; Sahadeo, “Cultures,” 3.

46 Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 45, 46, 59.

47 Handelsbericht des Kaiserlichen Konsulats für das Jahr 1909, in Deutsches Handels-Archiv, Zweiter Teil: Berichte über das Ausland, Jahrgang 1911 (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1911), 168; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 200; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 70; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 10, 50.

48 Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 200, 203; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 131.

49 “British and Russian Commercial Competition in Central Asia,” Asiatic Quarterly Review (London) 7 (January–April 1889): 439; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 202; E. Z. Volkov, Dinamika narodonaselenija SSSR za vosem’desjat let (Moscow: Gos. izd., 1930), 40, 198–99, 208.

50 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition , 4; the following pages are based on and make extensive use of materials in Beckert, “From Tuskegee to Togo.” See also James N. Calloway to Booker T. Washington, November 20, 1900, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee to Washington, October 10, 1900, and December 11, 1900, Booker T. Washington Papers. On the plans for the “Baumwoll-Expedition,” see also Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Antrag des Kolonialwirtschaftlichen Komitees auf Bewilligung eines Betrages von M 10,000- zur Ausführung einer Baumwollexpedition nach Togo, Berlin, May 14, 1900, Oktober 1898–Oktober 1900, Band 2, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, File 594/K81, record group R 8023, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; on the episode see also Booker T. Washington, Workings with the Hands (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1904), 226–30; Louis R. Harlan, “Booker T. Washington and the White Man’s Burden,” American Historical Review 71, no. 2 (January 1966): 441–67, 266–95; Edward Berman, “Tuskegee-in-Africa,” Journal of Negro Education 41, no. 2 (Spring 1972): 99–112; W. Manning Marable, “Booker T. Washington and African Nationalism,” Phylon 35, no. 4 (December 1974), 398–406; Michael O. West, “The Tuskegee Model of Development in Africa: Another Dimension of the African/African-American Connection,” Diplomatic History 16, no. 3 (Summer 1992): 371–87; Milfred C. Fierce, The Pan-African Idea in the United States, 1900–1919: African-American Interest in Africa and Interaction with West Africa (New York: Garland, 1993), 171–97; Maier, “Persistence,” 71–95; Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo”; Andrew Zimmermann, Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).

51 For an account of this change see Beckert, “Emancipation,” 1405–38.

52 Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 8; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition , 3; see for a similar assessment Hutton, as quoted in Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop,” 4; see, for other examples of African Americans traveling to colonial cotton projects, Jonathan Robbins, “The Cotton Crisis: Globalization and Empire in the Atlantic World, 1901–1920” (PhD dissertation, University of Rochester, 2010), 220; Booker T. Washington to Beno von Herman auf Wain, September 20, 1900, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.

53 For the Calloway quote see James N. Calloway to Washington, April 30, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. See also James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, 12 March 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; M. B. K. Darkoh, “Togoland under the Germans: Thirty Years of Economic Development (1884–1914),” Nigerian Geographic Journal 10, no. 2 (1968): 112; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, February 3, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; James N. Calloway to Washington, February 3, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, May 14, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; this general point, in different contexts, is also made by Melissa Leach and James Fairhead, Misreading the African Landscape: Society and Ecology in a Forest-Savanna Mosaic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Kojo Sebastian Amanor, The New Frontier: Farmer Responses to Land Degradation: A West African Study (Geneva: UNRISD, 1994).

54 John Robinson to Booker T. Washington, May 26, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, June 13, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; James N. Calloway to Mr. Schmidt, November 11, 1901, file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; James N. Calloway to Mr. Schmidt, November 11, 1901, file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, September 2, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; John Robinson to Booker T. Washington, May 26, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, March 12, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; 有一个来源说，最后足足动用了105人才把篷车弄到了农场去; see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition , 24.

55 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition , 4–5, 26, for the Calloway quote see 28–36; F. Wohltmann, “Neujahrsgedanken 1905,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 9 (January 1905): 5; Karl Supf, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, to Kolonial-Abteilung des Auswärtigen Amtes, Berlin, August 15, 1902, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.

56 Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 7 (January 1903): 9.

57 Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 25; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, Bericht XI (Frühjahr 1909), 28, file 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundes-archiv, Berlin; Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 46, 48; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, “Verhandlungen der Baumwoll-Kommission des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees vom 25. April 1912,” 169; 农民抗拒殖民地棉花计划的情形，见 Allen Isaacman et al., “‘Cotton Is the Mother of Poverty’: Peasant Resistance to Forced Cotton Production in Mozambique, 1938–1961,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 13, no. 4 (1980): 581–615.

58 Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1968), 95; “Cotton in British East Africa,” Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review , Third Series, 24 (July–October 1907): 85; Ehrlich, “Marketing,” 1; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906 (Manchester: Head Office, 1906), 23.

59 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, “Verhandlungen,” 169; Doran H. Ross, ed., Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African American Identity (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1998), 126–49; Agbenyega Adedze, “Cotton in Eweland: Historical Perspectives,” in Ross, ed., Wrapped in Pride , 132; the numbers are from Maier, “Persistence,” 75; see also Sebald, Togo 1884–1914 , 30; Metzger, Unsere , 242; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” undated draft of an article, file 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Freiherr von Danckelman, Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 3 (1890): 140–41; “Bericht über den Baumwollbau in Togo,” Enclosure in Kaiserliches Gouvernment Togo, Gouverneur Zech, to Reichskolonialamt, Berlin, November 23, 1909, 1, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 12.

60 John Robinson quoted in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen , 1902, 1903 (Berlin, 1903), 18; Zeitfragen: Wochenschrift für deutsches Leben , May 1, 1911, 1.

61 特别是德国的棉花商在塔斯克基专家的帮助下，积极创造这些轧花和压平业务，早在1902年，德意志多哥协会就在柏林成立了，以民间组织身份在多哥建立轧花和棉花收购机构。见“Prospekt der Deutschen Togogesellschaft,” Berlin, April 1902, private archive, Freiherr von Herman auf Wain, Schloss Wain, Wain, Germany; Karl Supf, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, Bericht IX (Berlin: Mittler, 1907), 304. See also G. H. Pape to Bezirksamt Atakpame, April 5, 1909, file 1009, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3 Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin. 1908—1909年，他们规定在海岸交货的轧棉最低价格为每磅30便士。见 Verhandlungen des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees und der Baumwoll-Komission, November 11, 1908, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen , 1902, 1903 (Berlin, 1903), 17; Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo,” 103.

62 James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, June 13, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundes-archiv, Berlin. 1903年，John Robinson 报道说，把棉花从 Tove 运到 Lomé需要10至20天的时间; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale , 21; Karl Supf, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, to Auswärtiges Amt, Kolonial-Abteilung, May 10, 1902, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft.

63 德国的棉花利益集团向外交部殖民事物部门陈情，认为应当强迫劳动者将棉花从 Tove 运到海岸，而不付工资。见 Karl Supf, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, to Auswärtiges Amt, Kolonial-Abteilung, Nov. 15, 1901, 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin. See also note “Station Mangu No. 170/11, May 8, 1911, file 4047, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 12.

64 Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo,” 107; Verhandlungen des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees und der Baumwoll-Komission, November 11, 1908, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Metzger, Unsere Alte Kolonie , 245, 252. 关于第一次世界大战后多哥棉花出口的进一步统计数字，见“Togo: La production du Coton,” in Agence Extérieure et Coloniale , 棉花生产在整个20世纪继续扩大，2002—2003年，多哥生产了8,000万公斤棉花，大约是1938年的19倍，1913年的160倍。See Reinhart, “Cotton Market Report 44” (January 23, 2004), accessed January 30, 2004, http://www.reinhart.ch/pdf_files/marketreportch.pdf .

65 Maier, “Persistence,” 77. 此外，多哥大部分地区也人烟稀少，缺乏棉花生产的剩余劳动力。见 G. H. Pape, “Eine Berichtigung zu dem von Prof. Dr. A. Oppel verfassten Aufsatz ‘Der Baumwollanbau in den deutschen Kolonien und seine Aussichten,’” file 3092, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin. On intercropping see also Bassett, Peasant Cotton , 57; “Bericht über den Baumwollbau in Togo,” Enclosure in Kaiserliches Gouvernement Togo, Gouverneur Zech to Reichskolonialamt Berlin, November 23, 1909, 2, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Beckert, “Emancipation”; Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht , 39.

66 The Dutch merchant is quoted in Adedze, “Cotton in Eweland,” 132; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” undated draft of an article, 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.

67 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition , 44; signed Agreement between Graf Zech and Freese (for the Vietor company), March 1, 1904, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Vail and White, “Tawani, Machambero,” 241; Roberts, “Coercion,” 223, 231, 236; Bassett, Peasant Cotton , 66; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 16.

68 This was also a point made by Morel, Affairs , 192; see also A. McPhee, The Economic Revolution in West Africa (London: Cass, 1926), 49; Marion Johnson, “Cotton Imperialism in West Africa,” African Affairs 73, no. 291 (April 1974): 182, 183.

69 Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, Bericht XI (Frühjahr 1909), file 3092, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; James Stephen as quoted in David Brion Davis, Slavery and Human Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 218.

70 Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 9, 12; Gouverneur of Togo to Herrn Bezirksamts-leiter von Atakpame, December 9 (no year), file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo; “Massnahmen zur Hebung der Baumwollkultur im Bezirk Atakpakme unter Mitwirkung des Kolonialwirtschaftlichen Komitees,” Verwaltung des deutschen Schutz-gebietes Togo, file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo; for the Governor of Togo see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen , 57–59; “Baumwollinspektion für Togo,” file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo. John Robinson 早在1904年曾说过：“多哥人民的习惯无法在一天之内改变”；见 “Baumwollanbau im Schutzgebiet Togo, Darlegungen des Pflanzers John W. Robinson vom 26. 4. 1904 betr. die Vorausetzungen, Boden- und Klimaverhältnisse, Methoden und Arbeitsverbesserung, Bewässerung,” Fragment, file 89, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo.

71 Paul Friebel to Togo Baumwollgesellschaft, Atakpame, April 7, 1911, File 7,2016, 1, Papers of the Togo Baumwollgesellschaft mbH, Staatsarchiv Bremen, Bremen, Germany; 英国棉花种植协会在非洲的经验在许多方面与德国的经验相似；其历史见 Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop.”

72 See “Baumwollanbau im Schutzgebiet Togo, Darlegungen des Pflanzers John W. Robinson vom 26. 4. 1904 betr. die Voraussetzungen, Boden- und Klimaverhältnisse, Methoden und Arbeitsverbesserung, Bewässerung,” Fragment, 13 and 49, file 89, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Anson Phelps Stokes, A Brief Biography of Booker Washington (Hampton, VA: Hampton Institute Press, 1936), 13; John Robinson to Graf Zech, January 12, 1904, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo.

73 Bassett, Peasant Cotton , 55, 59; Julia Seibert, “Arbeit und Gewalt: Die langsame Durchsetzung der Lohnarbeit im kolonialen Kongo, 1885–1960” (PhD dissertation, University of Trier, 2012), 186–206; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 27; Vail and White, “Tawani, Machambero,” 252, 253.

74 For an excellent survey see Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism . German cotton experts were still envious of British successes in Africa; see O. Warburg, “Zum Neuen Jahr 1914,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 18 (January 1914): 9; Polly Hill, The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern Ghana: A Study in Rural Capitalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); League of Nations, Economic and Financial Section, International Statistical Yearbook 1926 (Geneva: Publications of League of Nations, 1927), 72; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 193 9/40 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1940), 122; National Cotton Council of America, accessed April 10, 2013, http://www.cotton.org/econ/cropinfo/cropdata/country-statistics.cfm ; Etonam Digo, “Togo Expects to Meet Cotton Production Targets as Harvest Avoids Flooding,” Bloomberg, October 29, 2010, accessed April 10, 2013, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010–10–29/togo-expects-to-meet-cotton-production-targets-as-harvest-avoids-flooding.html .

75 Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism ; Bassett, Peasant Cotton ; Ehrlich, “Marketing,” 28–33; on the Association Cotonnière Coloniale see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen , 66–68, 69–71; as to the Sudan, see Booker T. Washington to Gladwin Bouton, May 6, 1915, and Leigh Hart to Booker T. Washington, February 3, 1904, Booker T. Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo,” 3, 133, 135; Karl Supf, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen , 295, 297;德国殖民者棉花业者也经常提到法国、英国和俄国的经验，例如参见 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen , 66–71; “Anlage zum Bericht des Kaiserlichen Generalkonsulats in Saint Petersburg,” December 26, 1913, sent to Reichs-Kolonialamt and the Governor of Togo, 360, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundes-archiv, Berlin; copy of a report by R. B. D. Morier to the Secretary of State, The Marquis of Salisbury, October 12, 1889, Compilations Vol. 51, 1890, Compilation No. 476, “Establishment by the Russian Government of a Model Cotton Plantation in the Merva Oasis,” Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop,” 16; Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Direction des Affaires politiques et commerciales, No. 88, Copie M, Verchere de Reffye, Consul de France à Alexandrie à M. Pincarem Alexandrie, August 30, 1912, and Dépêche de Consulat de France, Saint Petersburg, June 15, 1912, in 9 AFFECO, Affairs économquie, Fonds Ministeriels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence; The Fourth International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Held in Musikvereinsgebäude, Vienna, May 27th to 29th, 1907 (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, & Co., 1907), 306; International Cotton Congress, Official Report of the International Cotton Congress, Held in Egypt, 1927 (Manchester: Taylor Garnett Evans & Co. Ltd., 1927), 179–89.

76 关于苏联增产棉花的努力，见 Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams ; Maya Peterson, “Technologies of Rule: Empire, Water, and the Modernization of Central Asia, 1867–1941” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2011); Christof Dejung, “The Boundaries of Western Power: The Colonial Cotton Economy in India and the Problem of Quality,” in Christof Dejung and Niels P. Petersson, eds., The Foundations of Worldwide Economic Integration: Power, Institutions, and Global Markets, 1850–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 156; Rudolf Asmis and Dr. Zeller, Taschkent, April 10, 1923, mailing of colonial cotton brochures, Berlin, May 7, 1923; memo, Der heutige Stand der Baumwollkultur in Turkestan und das Problem einer deutschen Mitarbeit an ihrem Wiederaufbau; minutes of the meeting of the Baumwoll-Kommission des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees, June 28, 1923; minutes of the meeting of the Baumwollbau-Kommission, Diskonto Gesellschaft, Berlin, July 12, 1923, all in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, R 8024/25, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Ekonomitsceskaja Shisnj , July 12, 1923, translated by the German embassy in Moscow, in Kolonialwirtschaftliches Komitee, R 8024/25, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; there are also documents in the file testifying to the execution of cotton experts in Central Asia who did not do enough to fight a locus plague.

77 在一个非常不同的场景下，Kären Wigen 也讲述了日本特定地区并入全国及全球经济的故事；见 Kären Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery, 1750–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).

78 Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 91; Bleifuss and Hergenröder, Die “Otto-Plantage Kilossa,” 39; Pierre de Smet, Les origins et l’organisation de la filature de coton en Belgique. Notice publiée à l’occasion du 25ème anniversaire de l’Association Cotonnière de Belgique (Brüssels, 1926), 1; Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams , chapter 1, 67; E. R. B. Denniss, “Government of the Soudan Loan Guarantee,” Parliamentary Debates , Fifth Series, vol. 52, col. 428, April 23, 1913.

79 See chapter 10, note 5.

第13章　重回全球南方

1 Kenneth L. Gillion, Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 69; Makrand Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry: Genesis and Growth (Ahmedabad: New Order Book Co., 1982), viii, 33–34, 43, 50, 53; Dwijendra Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan: A Comparative Interpretation (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 108; Sujata Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry, 1918–1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 21–22.

2 Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry , 54, 57; Times of India , June 12, 1861.

3 Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry , 6, 8–9, 14, 20.

4 Ibid., 66, 67, 77ff., 80, 85–87, 96–102; Salim Lakha, Capitalism and Class in Colonial India: The Case of Ahmedabad (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1988), 64–66; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations , 13, 21, 22, 23, 24; Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan , 107; Irina Spector-Marks, “Mr. Ghandi Visits Lancashire: A Study in Imperial Miscommunication” (Honors Thesis, Macalester College, 2008), 23.

5 Stephan H. Lindner, “Technology and Textiles Globalization,” History and Technology 18 (2002), 3; Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, The Fibre that Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 23; Lindner, “Technology and Textiles Globalization,” 4; John Singleton, Lancashire on the Scrapheap: The Cotton Industry, 1945–1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 11; Douglas A. Farnie and Takeshi Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures, 1890–1990,” in Douglas Farnie et al., eds., Region and Strategy in Britain and Japan, Business in Lancashire and Kansai, 1890–1990 (London: Routledge, 2000), 140, 147.

6 Farnie and Jeremy, The Fibre That Changed the World , 23; David L. Carlton and Peter A. Coclanis, “Southern Textiles in Global Context,” in Susanna Delfino and Michele Gillespie, eds., Global Perspectives on Industrial Transformation in the American South (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2005) 153, 155; Gary R. Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, “New Evidence on the Stubborn English Mule and the Cotton Industry, 1878–1920,” Economic History Review , New Series, 37, no. 4 (November 1984): 519. 值得注意的是，日本锭子比印度锭子生产的纱线要多得多。

7 Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 3.

8 Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India , 101; Philip T. Silvia, “The Spindle City: Labor, Politics, and Religion in Fall River, Massachusetts, 1870–1905” (PhD dissertation, Fordham University, 1973), 7; Thomas Russell Smith, “The Cotton Textile Industry of Fall River, Massachusetts: A Study of Industrial Localization” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1943), 21; William F. Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility?: Unions and Economic Change in the New England Textile Industry, 1870–1960 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996), 7–8, 54; John T. Cumbler, Working-Class Community in Industrial America: Work, Leisure, and Struggle in Two Industrial Cities, 1880–1930 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1979), 54.

9 Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility? 12, 28; Mary H. Blewett, Constant Turmoil: The Politics of Industrial Life in Nineteenth-Century New England (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2000), 183; Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Thirteenth Annual Report (Boston: Rand, Avery & Co., 1882), 195.

10 Cumbler, Working-Class Community in Industrial America , 105, 118; Dietrich Ebeling et al., “The German Wool and Cotton Industry from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 227. 马萨诸塞州劳工统计局估计，一个家庭每年至少需要400美元的租金、燃料、食物和衣服。见 Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Sixth Annual Report (Boston: Wright and Potter, 1875), 118, 221–354, esp. 291, 372, 373, 441.

11 Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility? 7–17, 29; Isaac Cohen, “American Management and British Labor: Lancashire Immigrant Spinners in Industrial New England,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 4 (October 1, 1985): 611, 623–24; Blewett, Constant Turmoil , 112; David Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865–1925 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 163.

12 R. B. Forrester, The Cotton Industry in France (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1921), 100; Claude Fohlen, L’industrie textile au temps du Second Empire (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1956), 412; David Allen Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 1830–1945 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 3, 64, 65.

13 Ebeling et al.,“The German Wool and Cotton Industry,” 228; R. M. R. Dehn, The German Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913), 71–72.

14 M.V. Konotopov et al., Istoriia otechestvennoi tekstil’noi promyshlennosti (Moscow: Legprombytizdat, 1992), 179; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 435–37, 439; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union” (presentation, Textile Conference, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, November 2004), 17, 33.

15 Andreas Balthasar, Erich Gruner, and Hans Hirter, “Gewerkschaften und Arbeitgeber auf dem Arbeitsmarkt: Streiks, Kampf ums Recht und Verhältnis zu anderen Interessengruppen,” in Erich Gruner, ed., Arbeiterschaft und Wirtschaft in der Schweiz 1880–1914: Soziale Lage, Organisation und Kämpfe von Arbeitern und Unternehmern, politische Organisation und Sozialpolitik , vol. 2, part 1 (Zürich: Chronos, 1988), 456ff., 464; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 465–67; Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, Lex Heerman van Voss, and Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, “The Netherlands,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 388.

16 T. J. Hatton, G. R. Boyer, and R. E. Bailey, “The Union Wage Effect in Late Nineteenth Century Britain,” Economica 61, no. 244 (November 1994): 436, 449; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 134, 136; William Lazonick, Competitive Advantage on the Shop Floor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 115, 136.

17 Charles Tilly, “Social Change in Modern Europe: The Big Picture,” in Lenard R. Berlanstein, ed., The Industrial Revolution and Work in Nineteenth-Century Europe (New York: Routledge, 1992), 54–55; Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, Lex Heerma van Voss, and Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, “Covering the World: Some Conclusions to the Project,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 773–92.

18 Dehn, The German Cotton Industry , 94; Kathleen Canning, Languages of Labor and Gender: Female Factory Work in Germany, 1850–1914 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 261; Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahrhundert: Eine historische Modellstudie zur empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 86; Patricia Penn Hilden, “Class and Gender: Conflicting Components of Women’s Behaviour in the Textile Mills of Lille, Roubaix and Tourcoing, 1880–1914,” Historical Journal 27, no. 2 (June 1984): 378; Smith et al., “Spain,” 468.

19 Dehn, The German Cotton Industry , 82; Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie,” 159–60. 实际工资（以1913马克为准）从每年563.58马克增加到每年860马克。See implicit deflator of net national product in Table A.5, Cost of Living Indices in Germany, 1850–1985 (1913=100), Appendix, in P. Scholliers and Z. Zamagni, eds., Labour’s Reward: Real Wages and Economic Change in 19th- and 20th-Century Europe (Brookfield, VT: Edward Elgar Publishing, 1995), 226; 如果我们假设在两个星期内劳动十二天，1870年阿尔萨斯的日工资在1910法郎每天2.51—3.00法郎之间，1910年每天5.42—6.25法郎。要计算实际工资，见 Table H1, Wholesale Price Indices, in B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Europe, 1750–2005 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 955–56. Smith et al., “Spain,” 469; Smith, “The Cotton Textile Industry of Fall River,” 88. 19世纪90年代，非技术工人每天挣35.92美元，1920年每天挣53.72美元。织布机固定工从1890年的每天42.39美元上升到1920年的每天81.92美元。看见 Table III. Classified Rates of Wages per Hour in Each State, by Years, 1907 to 1912, in Fred Cleveland Croxton, Wages and Hours of Labor in the Cotton, Woolen, and Silk Industries (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1913).

20 Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace , 82; Dehn, The German Cotton Industry , 94; Georg Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer bezw. sächsischen Baumwollspinnerei von 1789–1879” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1914), 94; Beth English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy: Capital Mobility and the 1890s U.S. Textile Industry,” in Delfino and Gillespie, eds., Global Perspectives on Industrial Transformation in the American South , 177; Walter Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft im Rahmen der übrigen Industrien und Wirtschafts-zweige (Zürich: Verlag Berichthaus, 1960), 397.

21 English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy,” 176; W. F. Bruck, Die Geschichte des Kriegsausschusses der deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie (Berlin: Kriegsausschuss der Deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie, 1920), 11; John Steven Toms, “Financial Constraints on Economic Growth: Profits, Capital Accumulation and the Development of the Lancashire Cotton-Spinning Industry, 1885–1914,” Accounting Business and Financial History 4, no. 3 (1994): 367; J. H. Bamberg, “The Rationalization of the British Cotton Industry in the Interwar Years,” Textile History 19, no. 1 (1988): 85; M. W. Kirby, “The Lancashire Cotton Industry in the Inter-War Years: A Study in Organizational Change” Business History 16, no. 2 (1974): 151.

22 Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie,” 95, 166; Gregory Clark, “Why Isn’t the Whole World Developed? Lessons from the Cotton Mills,” Journal of Economic History 47, no. 1 (March 1987): 145, 148; Hermann Kellenbenz, Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte , vol. 2 (München: Beck, 1981), 406; Meerkerk et al., “Covering the World,” 785.

23 Gisela Müller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Wiesentäler Textilindustrie bis zum Jahre 1945” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1965), 49; Deutsche Volks-wirtschaftlichen Correspondenz 42 (Ulm: Gebrüder Rübling, 1879), 8; Brian A’Hearn, “Institutions, Externalities, and Economic Growth in Southern Italy: Evidence from the Cotton Textile Industry, 1861–1914,” Economic History Review 51, no. 4 (1998): 742; Jörg Fisch, Europa zwischen Wachstum und Gleichheit, 1850–1914 (Stuttgart: Ulmer, 2002), 65; Tom Kemp, Economic Forces in French History (London: Dennis Dobson, 1971), 184; Auguste Lalance, La crise de l’industrie cotonnière (Mulhouse: Veuve Bader & Cie., 1879), 6.

24 Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of Manufactures, and W. A. Graham Clark, Cotton Goods in Latin America: Part 1, Cuba, Mexico, and Central America (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1909), 6–7, 14; Jordi Nadal, “The Failure of the Industrial Revolution in Spain, 1830–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe , vol. 4, part 2, The Emergence of Industrial Societies (Great Britain: Fontana, 1973), 612–13; M. V. Konotopov et al., Istoriia otechestvennoi tekstil’noi promyshlennosti (Moscow: Legprombytizdat, 1992), 268–69; For Atkinson see Edward Atkinson, Cotton: Articles from the New York Herald (Boston: Albert J. Wright, 1877), 31.

25 As reflected, for example, in the Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce; in M8/2/1/16, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1919–1925, Manchester Library and Local Studies, Manchester.

26 Times , October 3, 1923, 9; see also James Watt Jr. to Richard Bond, Esq., July 7, 1934, in DDX1115/6/26, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; as quoted in Spector-Marks, “Mr. Ghandi Visits Lancashire,” 44.

27 “Textile Shutdown Visioned by Curley: New England Industry Will Die in Six Months Unless Washington Helps, He Says,” New York Times , April 15, 1935. 工资成本对纺织品生产地理位置的重要性也是阿姆斯特丹社会历史研究所多年研究项目的核心成果之一。见 Meerkerk et al., “Covering the World,” 774.

28 关于欧洲和美国的这一冲突，见 Sven Beckert, “Space Matters: Eurafrica, the American Empire and the Territorialization of Industrial Capitalism, 1870–1940” (article in progress).

29 Carlton and Coclanis, “Southern Textiles in Global Context,” 160, 167ff.; Alice Carol Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry from New England to the South, 1880–1930 (New York: Garland, 1985), 2; Timothy J. Minchin, Hiring the Black Worker: The Racial Integration of the Southern Textile Industry, 1960–1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 9; Robert M. Brown, “Cotton Manufacturing: North and South,” Economic Geography 4, no. 1 (January 1, 1928): 74–87.

30 Mildred Gwin Andrews, The Men and the Mills: A History of the Southern Textile Industry (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987), 1; Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry , 189–90; Carlton and Coclanis, “Southern Textiles in Global Context,” 155, 156, 158; for the “labor agitation” quote see Commercial Bulletin , September 28, 1894, as quoted in Beth English, A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006), 39; Lynchburg News , January 18, 1895, as cited in English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy,” 176; Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility? 54.

31 Elijah Helm, “An International of the Cotton Industry,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 17, no. 3 (May 1903): 428; Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry , 186; Melvin Thomas Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry of the United States (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1966), 40, 46. See also Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983); Gavin Wright, “The Economic Revolution in the American South,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 1, no. 1 (Summer 1987): 169. 关于南方农村的转型如何影响到美国南方受薪工人的出现，见 Barbara Fields, “The Nineteenth-Century American South: History and Theory,” Plantation Society in the Americas 2, no. 1 (April 1983): 7–27; Steven Hahn, “Class and State in Postemancipation Societies: Southern Planters in Comparative Perspective,” American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (1990): 75–88; Southern and Western Textile Excelsior , December 11, 1897, as cited in English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy,” 188; English, A Common Thread , 116.

32 Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry , 141; Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry , 42; Katherine Rye Jewell, “Region and Sub-Region: Mapping Southern Economic Identity” (unpublished paper, 36th Annual Meeting of the Social Science History Association, Boston, 2011).

33 Geoffrey Jones and Judith Vale, “Merchants as Business Groups: British Trading Companies in Asia before 1945,” Business History Review 72, no. 3 (1998): 372; on Portugal see Board Minutes, vol. 1, 1888–1905, Boa Vista Spinning & Weaving Company, Guildhall Library, London. On the Ottoman Empire see Necla Geyikdagi, Foreign Investment in the Ottoman Empire: International Trade and Relations, 1854–1914 (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 131; E. R. J. Owen, “Lord Cromer and the Development of Egyptian Industry, 1883–1907,” Middle Eastern Studies 2, no. 4 (July 1966): 283, 289; Arno S. Pearse, Brazilian Cotton (Manchester: Printed by Taylor, Garnett, Evans & Co., 1921), 29; Speech at Konferenz der mitteleuropäischen Wirtschaftsvereine in Dresden, am 17. und 18. Januar 1916, Protokolle der Verhandlungen, Auswärtiges Amt, 1916–1918, Akten betreffend den mitteleurpäischen Wirtschaftsverein, Auswärtiges Amt, R 901, 2502, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Michael Owen Gately, “Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913” (PhD dissertation, University of Kansas, 1968), 156; Bianka Pietrow-Ennker, “Wirtschaftsbürger und Bürgerlichkeit im Königreich Polen: Das Beispiel von Lodz, dem Manchester des Ostens,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 31 (2005): 175, 177, 178.

34 体制对经济发展的重要性，从而对政治的重要性，以及殖民主义的破坏性影响，也得到以下著作的强调：Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson, “Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 117, no. 4 (November 2002): 1231–94. 不过，我在本文强调的是不同的体制。

35 Samuel C. Chu, Reformer in Modern China: Chang Chien, 1853–1926 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), 17, 45–46; Albert Feuerwerker, China’s Early Industrialization: Sheng Hsuan-Huai (1844–1916) and Mandarin Enterprise (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958), 15; on Zhang see also Elizabeth Köll, From Cotton Mill to Business Empire: The Emergence of Regional Enterprises in Modern China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 56–62.

36 Yen-P’ing Hao and Erh-min Wang, “Changing Chinese Views of Western Relations, 1840–95,” in John K. Fairbank and Kwang-Ching Liu, The Cambridge History of China , vol. 11, Late Ch’ing, 1800–1911 , part 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 142–201; Feuerwerker, China’s Early Industrialization , 36–37; Associação Industrial, Representação dirigida ao exmo. Snr. Ministro da Fazenda (Rio de Janiero, 1881), 5, 11, as quoted in Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 82; Manifesto da Associação Industrial, O Industrial (Orgão da Associação Industrial) , May 21, 1881, as quoted in Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 82; Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 83–84.

37 Byron Marshall, Capitalism and Nationalism in Pre-war Japan (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1967), 15–16.

38 Carter J. Eckert, Offspring of Empire: The Koch’ang Kins and the Colonial Origins of Korean Capitalism, 1876–1945 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 30, 40; Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India , 3.

39 Pearse, Brazilian Cotton , 27–28; Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 114.

40 Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 66–67, 77, 82, 84–85, 98,100–1; Pearse, Brazilian Cotton , 40; the Englishman is quoted in Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 101.

41 Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 53, 54, 57, 62; Pearse, Brazilian Cotton , 32; Companhia Brazil Industrial, The Industry of Brazil , 17.

42 Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture , 99; Rafael Dobado Gonzalez, Aurora Gomez Galvarriato, and Jeffrey G. Williamson, “Globalization, De-industrialization and Mexican Exceptionalism, 1750–1879,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 12316, June 2006, 40; Stephen Haber, Armando Razo, and Noel Maurer, The Politics of Property Rights: Political Instability, Credible Commitments, and Economic Growth in Mexico, 1876–1929 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 128; Clark et al., Cotton Goods in Latin America , 20, 38; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 63; Stephen H. Haber, “Assessing the Obstacles to Industrialisation: The Mexican Economy, 1830–1940,” Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992), 18–21; Stephen Haber, Crony Capitalism and Economic Growth in Latin America: Theory and Evidence (Palo Alto, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2002), 66, Table 2.3; Mirta Zaida Lobato, “A Global History of Textile Production, 1650–2000 (Argentina), Textile Conference IISH, November 11–13, 2004; Lockwood, Greene & Co. to Carlos Tornquist, Boston, August 13, 1924, in Industrias 144–8271, Biblioteca Tornquist del Banco Central de la República Argentina, Buenos Aires; Producción, elaboración y consumo del algodón en la República Argentina, 1924, in Industrias 144–8271, Biblioteca Tornquist del Banco Central de la República Argentina, Buenos Aires; Carlos D. Girola, El Algodonero: Su cultivo en las varias partes del mundo, con referencias especiales a la República Argentinia (Buenos Aires: Compania Sud-Americana, 1910).

43 A. J. Robertson, “Lancashire and the Rise of Japan, 1910–1937,” in S. D. Chapman, ed., The Textile Industries , vol. 2 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997), 490.

44 W. Miles Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association: Creating Industrial Policy in Mejii Japan,” Journal of Japanese Studies 22, no. 1 (1996): 67; E. Patricia Tsurumi, Factory Girls: Women in the Thread Mills of Meiji Japan (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 35; Thomas C., Smith, Political Change and Industrial Development in Japan: Government Enterprise, 1868–1880 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1955), 27, 58.

45 On imports see Motoshige Itoh and Masayuki Tanimoto, “Rural Entrepreneurs in the Cotton Weaving Industry in Japan,” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession, May 1995), 6; Ebara Soroku, as cited in Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” Journal of Japanese Studies , 67.

46 Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” 68; Yukio Okamoto, Meijiki bōseki rōdō kankeishi: Nihonteki koyō, rōshi kankei keisei e no sekkin (Fukuoka: Kyōshuˉ Daigaku Shuppankai, 1993), 157–58, 213–14; Tsurumi, Factory Girls , 42.

47 Takeshi Abe, “The Development of Japanese Cotton Weaving Industry in Edo Period” (unpublished and undated paper, in author’s possession), 1; Masayuki Tanimoto, “The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization,” in Masayuki Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization: Another Path to Industrialization , vol. 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 9.

48 Naosuke Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu , vol. 1 (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 1971), 63; Naosuke Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu , vol. 2 (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 1971), 119; Tanimoto, “The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization,” 4, 12; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 119.

49 Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” Journal of Japanese Studies , 49–75; Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” in The Textile Industry , 66; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 118, 126.

50 Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 121, 128; Takeshi Abe, “The Development of the Producing-Center Cotton Textile Industry in Japan between the Two World Wars,” Japanese Yearbook on Business History 9 (1992): 17, 19; see also Hikotaro Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan (Tübingen: Laupp’schen Buchhandlung, 1911), 71, 88.

51 Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu , vol. 1, 239. On shipping see William Wray, Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K., 1870–1914: Business Strategy in the Japanese Shipping Industry (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1984).

52 关于一般的统计状况，见 Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan , 78, 84; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 136–37; Takeshi Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” in Kaoru Sugihara, ed., Japan, China, and the Growth of the Asian International Economy, 1850–1949 , vol. 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2005), 74, 77.

53 Natsuko Kitani, “Cotton, Tariffs and Empire: The Indo-British Trade Relationship and the Significance of Japan in the First Half of the 1930s” (PhD dissertation, Osaka University of Foreign Studies, 2004), iii–v, 5, 49, 65; Department of Overseas Trade, Conditions and Prospects of United Kingdom Trade in India, 1937–38 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1939), 170. See also Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 (Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), 98.

54 请参阅日本棉纺织业协会的藏书，其中载有许多关于英国、美国、德国、印度和其他地方劳工问题的书籍；见 Japanese Cotton Spinners Association Library, University of Osaka. On labor more generally see E. Tsurumi, Factory Girls ; 关于农村与都市受薪劳工之间的关联，见 Johannes Hirschmeier, The Origins of Entrepreneurship in Meiji Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), 80; Toshiaki Chokki, “Labor Management in the Cotton Spinning Industry,” in Smitka ed., The Textile Industry and the Rise of the Japanese Economy , 7; Janet Hunter, Women and the Labour Market in Japan’s Industrialising Economy: The Textile Industry Before the Pacific War (London: Routledge, 2003), 69–70, 123–24; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 120; Janet Hunter and Helen Macnaughtan, “Japan,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 317; Gary Saxonhouse and Yukihiko Kiyokawa, “Supply and Demand for Quality Workers in Cotton Spinning in Japan and India,” in Smitka, ed., The Textile Industry and the Rise of the Japanese Economy , 185.

55 Hunter, Women and the Labour Market , 4; Jun Sasaki, “Factory Girls in an Agrarian Setting circa 1910,” in Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization , 130; Tsurumi, Factory Girls , 10–19; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan , 141.

56 Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Japan,” 320–21. See also Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, “Two Forms of Cheap Labor in Textile History,” in Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, eds., Techniques, Spirit and Form in the Making of the Modern Economies: Essays in Honor of William N. Parker (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press 1984), 3–31; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan , 143, 155; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 135.

57 Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 125; Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu , vol. 1, 308; 关于日本棉纺织业集体行动的情况，见 W. Miles Fletcher III, “Economic Power and Political Influence: The Japan Spinners Association, 1900–1930,” Asia Pacific Business Review 7, no. 2 (Winter 2000): 39–62, especially 47.

58 Saxonhouse and Kiyokawa, “Supply and Demand for Quality Workers,” 186; Chokki, “Labor Management in the Cotton Spinning Industry,” 15; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan , 147.

59 The table on page 408 is based on information from Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan , 55, 84; Department of Finance, 1912: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 554; for 1913–15, Department of Finance, 1915: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan , part 1 (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 448; Department of Finance, 1917: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan , part 1 (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 449. Department of Finance, 1895: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 296; for 1902, Department of Finance, December 1902: Monthly Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 65; Tōyō Keizai Shinpōsha, ed., Foreign Trade of Japan: A Statistical Survey (Tokyo: 1935; 1975), 229–30, 49.

60 关于工业的扩张亦可参见 Sung Jae Koh, Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History of the Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China, and Korea (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966); Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu , vol. 2, 121; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan , 1; Takeshi Abé and Osamu Saitu, “From Putting-Out to the Factory: A Cotton-Weaving District in Late Meiji Japan,” Textile History 19, no. 2 (1988): 143–58; Jun Sasaki, “Factory Girls in an Agrarian Setting circa 1910,” in Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization , 121; Takeshi Abe, “Organizational Changes in the Japanese Cotton Industry During the Inter-war Period,” in Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, eds., The Fibre That Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 462; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 146; Johzen Takeuchi, “The Role of ‘Early Factories’ in Japanese Industrialization,” in Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization , 76.

61 François Charles Roux, Le coton en égypte (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1908), 296, 297; Robert L. Tignor, Egyptian Textiles and British Capital, 1930–1956 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1989), 9, 10; Owen, “Lord Cromer and the Development of Egyptian Industry,” 285, 288, 291, 292; Bent Hansen and Karim Nashashibi, Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: Egypt (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1975), 4.

62 Tignor, Egyptian Textiles and British Capital , 12–14; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 185; Hansen and Nashashibi, Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development , 3–4; for the quote see Robert L. Tignor, “Economic Planning, and Development Projects in Interwar Egypt,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 10, no. 2 (1977): 187, 189.

63 Statistical Tables Relating to Indian Cotton: Indian Spinning and Weaving Mills (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1889), 95; Misra Bhubanes, The Cotton Mill Industry of Eastern India in the Late Nineteenth Century: Constraints on Foreign Investment and Expansion (Calcutta: Indian Institute of Management, 1985), 5; R. E. Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: n.p., approx. 1897), 4; Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India , 22. On the growth of the Indian cotton industry see also Department of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics, Monthly Statistics of Cotton Spinning and Weaving in India Mills (Calcutta: n.p., 1929); Atma’ra’m Trimbuck to T. D. Mackenzie, Bombay, June 16, 1891, Revenue Department, 1891, No 160, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.

64 Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency , 6; Statistical Tables Relating to Indian Cotton , 116; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1897 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1898), 3; Amiya Kumar Bagchi, Private Investment in India, 1900–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 9; Helm, “An International Survey of the Cotton Industry,” 432.

65 “Statement Exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India, 1895–96,” 172, in 1895, SW 241, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. A slightly higher number is cited in Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review and Oriental and Colonial Record , Third Series, 58 (July–October 1904): 49. On the general points see Tirthankar Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 266–67. Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 (Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), 162, Appendix A, Progress of the Cotton Mill Industry; Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency , 7; Eckehard Kulke, The Parsees in India: A Minority as Agent of Social Change (Munich: Weltforum Verlag, 1974), 120–25.

66 Morris D. Morris, The Emergence of an Industrial Labor Force in India: A Study of the Bombay Cotton Mills, 1854–1947 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), 101, 103, 114; Manmohandas Ramji, Chairman of the Bombay Millowners’ Association, at Its Annual General Meeting held on April 28, 1910, in Report of the Bombay Mill-owners’ Association for the Year 1909 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1910), v; Letter from the Officiating Secretary of the Government of India, Home, Revenue and Agricultural Department (Judicial), no 12–711, dated May 2, 1881, in Revenue Department, 1881, No. 776, Acts and Regulations, Factory Act of 1881, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Shashi Bushan Upadhyay, Dissension and Unity: The Origins of Workers’ Solidarity in the Cotton Mills of Bombay, 1875–1918 (Surat: Center for Social Studies, July 1990), 1; Dietmar Rothermund, An Economic History of India: From Pre-colonial Times to 1991 (London: Routledge, 1993), 51; M. P. Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry: Its Past, Present and Future (Calcutta: Mitra, 1930), 67; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1906 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1907), ii; “Memorandum on the Cotton Import and Excise Duties,” 5–6, in L/E/9/153, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

67 Rothermund, An Economic History of India , 37.

68 Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan , 14, 139.

69 Albert Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China, 1871–1910,” Journal of Economic History 30, no. 2 (June 1970): 338.

70 Ramon H. Myers, “Cotton Textile Handicraft and the Development of the Cotton Textile Industry in Modern China,” Economic History Review , New Series, 18, no. 3 (1965): 615; Katy Le Mons Walker, “Economic Growth, Peasant Marginalization, and the Sexual Division of Labor in Early Twentieth-Century China: Women’s Work in Nantong County,” Modern China 19, no. 3 (July 1993): 360; R. S. Gundry, ed., A Retrospect of Political and Commercial Affairs in China & Japan, During the Five Years 1873 to 1877 (Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, 1878), Commercial, 1877, 98; Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 342; H. D. Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” Chinese Social and Political Science Review 16 (October 1932): 400, 402; United States Department of Commerce and Ralph M. Odell, Cotton Goods in China (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1916), 33, 43; M. V. Brandt, Stand und Aufgabe der deutschen Industrie in Ostasien (Hildesheim: August Lax, 1905), 11. 1902年，中国棉花进口总值的55%来自英国，26.8%来自美国，只有2.7%来自日本。到1930年，日本已占72.2%，英国下降到13.2%，美国下降到0.1%。有关这些统计信息，请参阅 Kang Chao, with Jessica C. Y. Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 97.

71 Köll, From Cotton Mill to Business Empire , 36–37; James R. Morrell, “Origins of the Cotton Textile Industry in China” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1977), 1, 147–75.

72 Myers, “Cotton Textile Handicraft and the Development of the Cotton Textile Industry,” 626–27; Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 346; Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 348, 370–71, 411, 416; Shigeru Akita, “The British Empire and International Order of Asia, 1930s–1950s” (presentation, 20th International Congress of Historical Sciences, Sydney, 2005), 16; Shigeru Akita, “The East Asian International Economic Order in the 1850s,” in Antony Best, ed., The International History of East Asia, 1900–1908 (London: Routledge, 2010), 153–67; Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” 83; Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 116; Ralph M. Odell et al., Cotton Goods in China , 158.

73 Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 346; Loren Brandt, Commercialization and Agricultural Development: Central and Eastern China, 1870–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 6; Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 116; Bruce L. Reynolds, “The Impact of Trade and Foreign Investment on Industrialization: Chinese Textiles, 1875–1931” (PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 1975), 64; Chong Su, The Foreign Trade of China (New York: Columbia University, 1919), 304; Department of Overseas Trade and H. H. Fox, Economic Conditions in China to September 1, 1929 (London, 1929), 7, as quoted in Akita, “The British Empire and International Order of Asia,” 17.

74 Odell et al., Cotton Goods in China , 161, 162ff., 168, 178, 179; Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 376; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1907 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1908), ii.

75 Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 376; Jack Goldstone, “Gender, Work and Culture: Why the Industrial Revolution Came Early to England but Late to China,” Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (1996): 1; Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 123–24.

76 Chu, Reformer in Modern China, 19, 22, 24, 28; Marie-Claire Bergere, The Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 51–60; Cliver, “China,” 126, 194; Albert Feuerwerker, China’s Early Industrialization , 20, 28, 44; see Ching-Chun Wang, “How China Recovered Tariff Autonomy,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 152, no. 1 (1930): 266–77; Frank Kai-Ming Su and Alvin Barber, “China’s Tariff Autonomy, Fact or Myth,” Far Eastern Survey 5, no. 12 (June 3, 1936): 115–22; Kang Chao et al., The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China , 102; Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” 96; Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 343; Akita, “The British Empire and International Order of Asia,” 20.

77 Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 138, 139. 日本在中国的棉纺纱厂的效率世界第一; Hunter et al., “Japan,” 316–17; United States Tariff Commission, Cotton Cloth , Report no. 112 (Washington: n.p., 1936), 157. 关于工资上涨，另见 Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu , vol. 2, 209; Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” 95; Charles K. Moser, The Cotton Textile Industry of Far Eastern Countries (Boston: Pepperell Manufacturing Company, 1930), 87; Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 350.

78 Richu Ding, “Shanghai Capitalists Before the 1911 Revolution,” Chinese Studies in History 18, no. 3–4 (1985): 33–82.

79 R. L. N. Vijayanagar, Bombay Millowners’ Association, Centenary Souvenir, 1875–1975 (Bombay: The Association, 1979), 29, in Asiatic Society of Mumbai; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1909 , vi; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1897 , 80; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1900 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1901), 52. See also Report of the Bombay Mill-owners’ Association for the Year 1904 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1905), 156; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1907 , xiii; Resolution of the First Indian Industrial Conference held at Benares on December 30, 1905, in Part C, No. 2, March 1906, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Morris, The Emergence of an Industrial Labor Force in India , 38; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1907 , xiii.

80 Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry , 114; The Mahratta , January 19, 1896, February 2, 1896, February 9, 1896; “Memorandum on the Cotton Import and Excise Duties,” 6, L/E/9/153, in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry , 66; G. V. Josji to G. K. Gokhale, File 4, Joshi Correspondence with Gokhale, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi.

81 Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1901 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1902), 17–18.

82 The Mahratta , March 15, 1896; Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry , 117–19, 131; Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan , 115; A. P. Kannangara, “Indian Millowners and Indian Nationalism Before 1914,” Past and Present 40, no. 1 (July 1968): 151. Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, 孟买一位棉纺厂主就说，“日本人在斯瓦德什精神的鼓舞下，他们拥有最大限度地利用这种精神的能力和优势”。Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1907 , xii. For a different argument see Kannangara, “Indian Millowners and Indian Nationalism before 1914,” 147–64. In contrast, see Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, 1855–1947 (New Delhi: Macmillan, 1983), 132; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1906 , iii.

83 Sydenham College Magazine 1, no. 1 (August 1919); The Mahratta , October 11, 1896, May 3, 1896; Draft of the Minutes of a Meeting of the Cotton Merchants held at Surat on April 13, 1919, in File No. 11, Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi; Letter of Purshotamdas Thakurdas to the Ahmedabad Millowners’ Association, March 22, 1919, in ibid.; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1904 , 158. See also Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1907 , iv; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1909 , iv; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association …1907 , viii.

84 Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry ; Lisa N. Trivedi, Clothing Gandhi’s Nation: Homespun and Modern India (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 105. 印度工厂主与民族主义运动之间的联系也可以参见 Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi: for example, Letter of Sir Purshotamdas Tharkurdas to Ahmedabad Millowners Association, March 22, 1919, in Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, File No. 11, Nehru Memorial Library; see also Draft of the Minutes of a Meeting of the Cotton Merchants held at Surat on April 13, 1919, in ibid.; “The Cotton Association,” in Sydenham College Magazine 1, no. 1 (August 1919), in ibid.; Sir Purshotamdas Tharkurdas to Amedabad Millowners’ Association, March 22, 1919, in ibid.

85 Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry , 71, 123. For the connections to mill owners see Makrand Mehta, “Gandhi and Ahmedabad, 1915–20,” Economic and Political Weekly 40 (January 22–28, 2005): 296. A. P. Kannangara, “Indian Millowners and Indian Nationalism before 1914,” Past and Present 40, no. 1 (July 1968): 164; Visvesvaraya, Planned Economy for India (Bangalore: Bangalore Press, 1934), v, 203; Ding, “Shanghai Capitalists Before the 1911 Revolution,” 33–82; on India see also Bipan Chandra, The Writings of Bipan Chandra: The Making of Modern India rom Marx to Gandhi (Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2012), 385–441.

86 Bagchi, Private Investment in India , 5, 240, 241.

87 “The Cooperation of Japanese and Korean Capitalists,” as cited in Eckert, Offspring of Empire , 48; Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry , 121; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1908 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1909), vi; Ratanji Tata to G. K. Gokhale, Bombay, October 15, 1909, in Servants of India Society Papers, File 4, correspondence, Gokhale, 1890–1911, Part 2, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi; File No. 24, Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, Nehru Memorial Library; Dietmar Rothermund, The Global Impact of the Great Depression, 1929–1939 (London: Routledge, 1996), 96; A Brief Memorandum Outlining a Plan of Economic Development for India , 1944, as reprinted in Purshotamdas Thakurdas, ed., A Brief Memorandum Outlining a Plan of Economic Development for India , 2 vols. (London: Penguin, 1945).

88 See Joel Beinin, “Formation of the Egyptian Working Class,” Middle East Research and Information Project Reports 94 (February 1981): 14–23; Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 188–89.

89 Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 379, 381; Hung-Ting Ku, “Urban Mass Movement: The May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai,” Modern Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (1979): 197–216.

90 Morris, The Emergence of an Industrial Labor Force in India , 105, 178, 183; R. L. N. Vijayanagar, Bombay Millowners’ Association, Centenary Souvenir, 1875–1975 (Bombay: The Association, 1979), 63, in Asiatic Society of Mumbai; Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry , 113; Makrand Mehta, “Gandhi and Ahmedabad, 1915–20,” Economic and Political Weekly 40 (January 22–28, 2005): 298; Vijayanagar, Centenary Souvenir, 1875–1975 , 29; Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” 269.

91 Jacob Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun in Socialist China, 1949–1980,” International Review of Social History 57, no. 3 (2012): 13; Prabhat Patnaik, “Industrial Development in India Since Independence,” Social Scientist 7, no. 11 (June 1979): 7; Paritosh Banerjee, “Productivity Trends and Factor Compensation in Cotton Textile Industry in India: A Rejoinder,” Indian Journal of Industrial Relations 4 (April 1969): 542; Government of India, Ministry of Labour, Industrial Committee on Cotton Textiles , First Session, Summary of Proceedings, New Delhi, January 1948; Lars K. Christensen, “Institutions in Textile Production: Guilds and Trade Unions,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers , 766; Hansen and Nashashibi, Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development , 7, 19–20.

92 Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun,” 21.

第14章　结语：经线和纬线

1 “Liverpool. By Order of the Liverpool Cotton Association Ltd., Catalogue of the Valuable Club Furnishings etc. to be Sold by Auction by Marsh Lyons & Co., Tuesday, 17th December 1963,” Greater Manchester County Record Office, Manchester.

2 Douglas A. Farnie and Takeshi Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures, 1890–1990,” in Douglas Farnie et al., eds., Region and Strategy in Britain and Japan, Business in Lancashire and Kansai, 1890–1990 (London: Routledge, 2000), 151–52; John Singleton, “Lancashire’s Last Stand: Declining Employment in the British Cotton Industry, 1950–1970,” Economic History Review , New Series, 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 92, 96–97; William Lazonick, “Industrial Organization and Technological Change: The Decline of the British Cotton Industry,” Business History Review 57, no. 2 (Summer 1983): 219. 具有讽刺意味的是，英国历史学家也在20世纪60年代开始淡化棉花工业对工业革命的重要性。

3 John Baffes, “The ‘Cotton Problem,’” World Bank Research Observer 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 116.

4 For India, see Official Indian Textile Statistics 2011–12, Ministry of Textiles, Government of India, Mumbai, accessed on June 5, 2013, http://www.txcindia.com/html/comp%20table%20pdf%202011–12/compsection1%2011–12.htm . For Pakistan see Muhammad Shahzad Iqbal et al., “Development of Textile Industrial Clusters in Pakistan,” Asian Social Science 6, no. 11 (2010): 132, Table 4.2, “Share of Textiles in Employment.” On China see Robert P. Antoshak, “Inefficiency and Atrophy in China’s Spinning Sector Provide Opportunities of Others,” Cotton: Review of World Situation 66 (November–December 2012), 14–17.

5 National Cotton Council of America, “The Economic Outlook for U.S. Cotton, 2013,” accessed September 17, 2013, http://www.cotton.org/econ/reports/upload/13annmtg_all_final.pdf .另见 United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, “Cotton: World Markets and Trade,” Circular Series, April 2013; Oxfam, “Cultivating Poverty: The Impact of US Cotton Subsidies on Africa, 2002,” accessed March 15. 2012, http://www.oxfamamerica.org/files/cultivating-poverty.pdf . 关于世界棉花种植地区，见 International Cotton Advisory Committee, Cotton: Review of World Situation 66 (November–December 2012), 5; International Cotton Advisory Committee, “Survey of Cotton Labor Cost Components in Major Producing Countries” (April 2012), foreword. The estimate of 350 million is from Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , April 1, 2010. For the general points see Naoko Otobe, “Global Economic Crisis, Gender and Employment: The Impact and Policy Response,” ILO Employment Working Paper No. 74, 2011, 8; Clive James, “Global Review of Commercialized Transgenic Crops: 2001, Feature: Bt Cotton,” International Service for the Acquisition of Agri-Biotech Applications no. 26 (2002), 59. David Orden et al., “The Impact of Global Cotton and Wheat Prices on Rural Poverty in Pakistan,” Pakistan Development Review 45, no. 4 (December 2006): 602; John Baffes, “The ‘Cotton Problem,’” World Bank Research Observer 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 109.

6 Sabrina Tavernise, “Old Farming Habits Leave Uzbekistan a Legacy of Salt,” New York Times , June 15, 2008; “Ministry Blames Bt Cotton for Farmer Suicides,” Hindustan Times , March 26, 2012; David L. Stern, “In Tajikistan, Debt-Ridden Farmers Say They Are the Pawns,” New York Times , October 15, 2008; Vivekananda Nemana, “In India, GM Crops Come at a High Price,” New York Times , India Ink Blog, October 16, 2012, accessed April 2, 2013, http://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/10/16/in-india-gm-crops-come-at-a-high-price/?_r=0 .

7 Amy A. Quark, “Transnational Governance as Contested Institution-Building: China, Merchants, and Contract Rules in the Cotton Trade,” Politics and Society 39, no. 1 (March 2011): 3–39.

8 Nelson Lichtenstein, “The Return of Merchant Capitalism,” International Labor and Working-Class History 81 (2012): 8–27, 198.

9 New York Times , April 1, 1946; International Cotton Association, History Timeline, accessed April 15, 2013, http://www.ica-ltd.org/about-us/our-history .

10 John T. Cumbler, Working-Class Community in Industrial America: Work, Leisure, and Struggle in Two Industrial Cities, 1880–1930 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1979), 139.

11 Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, 1977), 269.

12 Ibid., 267; Alexander Eckstein, Communist China’s Economic Growth and Foreign Trade: Implications for U.S. Policy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 56.

13 See “China’s Leading Cotton Producer to Reduce Cotton-Growing Farmland,” China View (December 25, 2008), accessed September 10, 2013, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008–12/25/content_10559478.htm ; National Cotton Council of America, Country Statistics, accessed December 15, 2012, http://www.cotton.org/econ/cropinfo/cropdata/country-statistics.cfm ; Zhores A. Medvedev, Soviet Agriculture (New York: Norton, 1987), 229ff.; Charles S. Maier, “Consigning the Twentieth Century to History: Alternative Narratives for the Modern Era,” American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 1, 2000): 807–831; Carol S. Leonard, Agrarian Reform in Russia: The Road from Serfdom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 75.

14 See Maier, “Consigning,” 807–31.

15 Oxfam, “Cultivating Poverty: The Impact of US Cotton Subsidies on Africa, 2002”; New York Times , August 5, 2003, A18, September 13, 2003, A26. Over the past decade, U.S. government cotton subsidies have ranged from around $1 billion to over $4 billion a year. John Baffes, “Cotton Subsidies, the WTO, and the ‘Cotton Problem,’” World Bank Development Prospects Group & Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network, Policy Research Working Paper 566 (May 2011), 18; Michael Grunwald, “Why the U.S. Is Also Giving Brazilians Farm Subsidies,” Time , April 9, 2010; Realizing Rights: The Ethical Globalization Initiative, “US and EU Cotton Production and Export Policies and Their Impact on West and Central Africa: Coming to Grips with International Human Rights Obligations” (May 2004), 2, accessed January 20, 2013, http://www.policyinnovations.org/ideas/policy_library/data/01155/_res/id=sa_File1/ .

16 See Akmad Hoji Khoresmiy, “Impact of the Cotton Sector on Soil Degradation” (presentation, Cotton Sector in Central Asia Conference, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, November 3–4, 2005); International Crisis Group, Joint Letter to Secretary Clinton regarding Uzbekistan, Washington, DC, September 27, 2011, accessed January 20, 2013, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2011/asia/joint-letter-to-secretary-clinton-regarding-uzbekistan.aspx ; International Crisis Group, “The Curse of Cotton: Central Asia’s Destructive Monoculture,” Asia Report No. 93, February 28, 2005, accessed January 20, 2013, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/central-asia/093-the-curse-of-cotton-central-asias-destructive-monoculture.aspx .

17 See David Harvey, The Geopolitics of Capitalism (New York: Macmillan, 1985).

18 See Xi Jin, “Where’s the Way Out for China’s Textile Industry?” Cotton: Review of World Situation 66 (November–December 2012): 10.

19 See Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914–1991 (New York: Vintage, 1994); for a similar argument see Aditya Mukherjee, “What Human and Social Sciences for the 21st Century: Some Perspectives from the South” (presentation at Nation Congress on “What Human and Social Sciences for the 21st Century?” at the University of Caen, France, on December 7, 2012).

20 See Environmental Farm Subsidy Database, 2013, accessed September 25, 2013, http://farm.ewg.org/progdetail.php?fips=00000&progcode=cotton .

21 On Chinese households in the 1950s see Jacob Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun in Socialist China, 1949–1980,” International Review of Social History 57, no. 3 (2012): 2. On current household expenditures see United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Consumer Expenditures 2012, released September 10, 2013, accessed September 17, 2013, http://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/cesan.pdf ; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , November 13, 2009, 25.